All posts by Lindsay McClain Opiyo

Aboke Memorial

Aboke Commemoration Prayers, 10 Oct 2011

On October 10, 2011, JRP attended the Aboke commemoration prayers organized by St. Mary’s College Aboke and Concerned Parents Association. The prayers celebrated the triumph of love over evil 15 years after 139 secondary school girls were abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army. Today, all but 1 girl has been accounted for. The prayers were held at St. Mary’s and were attended by survivors of the abduction, their parents, members of civil society and the community. The theme for this year’s ceremony was “transcending beyond the past” and focused on reconciliation as an obligation towards transcending beyond the past.

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Gender and TJ CSO Dialogue

Gender and TJ CSO Dialogue, 27 Sept 2011

On September 27, 2011, JRP and ICTJ partnered to hold a one-day civil society dialogue on engendering transitional justice in Uganda. It focused on challenges and opportunities for a gender sensitive TJ program in Uganda, and participants developed a list of recommendations for the Government of Uganda and stakeholders. A report on the dialogue is forthcoming. The dialogue was held at Churchill Courts in Gulu and attended by over 30 participants from Acholi, Lango and Teso sub-regions.

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“Amnesty is the price northern Uganda paid for peace in the region,” Daily Monitor, 4 Oct 2011

“Amnesty is the price northern Uganda paid for peace in the region,” Daily Monitor, 4 Oct 2011
http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/Letters/-/806314/1247450/-/10tmcoj/-/index.html

By Lino Owor Ogora

On September 22, the Constitutional Court ruled that ex- LRA commander Thomas Kwoyelo, was entitled to amnesty in line with Uganda’s Amnesty Act 2000. This ruling attracted mixed reactions from various sections of the public.

The question of whether or not to offer war criminals amnesty has always been controversial. It is a question that peacemakers around the world have had to grapple with. Many peace processes have been successful because of amnesty offered to perpetrators. In South Africa for example, amnesty was pivotal in ensuring that the leaders of the apartheid regime negotiated with and eventually handed over power to the African National Congress. It also encouraged many perpetrators who had committed war crimes to confess, which in some instances even led to the recovery of human remains which had been secretly buried. In West Nile, amnesty proved a critical factor in determining the surrender of the West Nile Bank Front II.

Likewise, in northern Uganda, amnesty is the price we have had to pay for peace. Amnesty in northern Uganda was so effective that it led to the surrender of many top commanders. According to the Amnesty Commission’s records, over 10,000 LRA combatants abandoned rebellion and were granted amnesty. Amnesty was even more critical given that the majority of the LRA army was composed of children abducted and turned into rebels. Kwoyelo falls into this category, having been abducted when he was only 15 years old.

But for many people, this part of Kwoyelo’s history does not matter. They feel he has to be punished for what he is now. While I agree that Kwoyelo must be held accountable, we should also keep in mind the circumstances surrounding him. The case of Kwoyelo is critical in ensuring that not all LRA fighters are viewed as a homogenous group of killers, which will enable us devise means of handling them on a case by case basis, a factor which was missing in Kwoyelo’s trial.

If it were not for amnesty, millions of people would still be living within IDP camps. Thousands more children would have been abducted, and even the Juba peace talks which ushered in the prevailing peace in northern Uganda would not have taken place.

It is not surprising that most of the people baying for Kwoyelo’s blood are those who live in comfort and safety outside northern Uganda. While such people may sympathise with victims, they do not understand the situation on the ground. If you lived in northern Uganda during the period of the insurgency, you would understand and appreciate the prioritisation of ‘peace first justice later’. It is because of this prioritisation that northern Ugandans were at the forefront of advocating amnesty as a crucial factor in ending the conflict.

Lino Owor Ogora,
Justice & Reconciliation Project, Gulu District

“Analysis: Should child soldiers be prosecuted for their crimes?,” IRIN News, 6 Oct. 2011

“Analysis: Should child soldiers be prosecuted for their crimes?,” IRIN News, 6 Oct. 2011
http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93900

JOHANNESBURG, 6 October 2011 (IRIN) – International human rights law meanders between the vague and the hazy when it comes to its stance on the age of criminal responsibility and what, if any, punishments should be imposed on child soldiers guilty of war crimes.

The godfather of human rights laws, the Geneva Conventions, oblige all member states to act on grave breaches of human rights, but does not stipulate the age of criminal responsibility.

Robert Young, deputy permanent observer and legal adviser to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) based in New York, told IRIN international humanitarian law (IHL) remains “silent” on the age of responsibility for perpetrators of grave human rights abuses, such as wilful killing, torture and inhumane treatment.

International Criminal Court (ICC) Article 26 prevents the court from prosecuting anyone under the age of 18, but not because it believes children should be exempt from prosecution for international crimes, “but rather that the decision on whether to prosecute should be left to States,” says the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) for children and armed conflict (Working Paper Number 3: Children and Justice During and in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict, September 2011). “[The] exclusion of children from the ICC jurisdiction avoided an argument between States on the minimum age for international crimes,” it noted.

The age of criminal responsibility varies from country to country, from 7-16, but the bar is most commonly set at 14.

Although IHL does not set a minimum age for criminal responsibility for international crimes, it is argued that a yardstick has been laid down for some form of indemnity through IHL’s recognition that recruitment of child soldiers under 15 was a war crime.

The Children and Justice During and in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict report says: “If a child under the age of 15 is considered too young to fight, then he or she must also be considered too young to be held criminally responsible for serious violations of IHL while associated with armed forces or armed groups.”

“Children are often desired as recruits because they can be easily intimidated and indoctrinated. They lack the mental maturity and judgment to express consent or to fully understand the implications of their actions… and are pushed by their adult commanders into perpetrating atrocities,” the report said.

That children should be held accountable for their crimes during conflicts was acknowledged by the report, but “more effective and appropriate methods, other than detention and prosecution are encouraged, enabling children to come to terms with their past and the acts they committed.”

The report said child soldiers should not be prosecuted “simply for association with an armed group or for having participated in hostilities… There are instances where children are accused of crimes under national or international law and are prosecuted before a criminal court. Prosecution of a child should always be regarded as a measure of last resort and the purpose of any sentence should be to rehabilitate and reintegrate the child into society.”

Victims and perpetrators

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) did not cite a minimum age for criminal responsibility, but no one under 18 appeared before the tribunals. The Statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) provided the court with jurisdiction over any person above 15, but the court’s prosecutor decided against indicting children for war crimes because of their dual status as both victims and perpetrators.

It may appear a grey area easily resolved by providing indemnity for crimes committed by child soldiers under the age of 15, but Radhika Coomaraswamy, SRSG for children and armed conflict, noted – in a 2010 article for the International Journal of Children’s Rights:The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict – Towards Universal Ratification – that such a provision could be perversely used.

“If minor children who have committed serious war crimes are not prosecuted, this could be an incentive for their commanders to delegate to them the dirtiest orders, aiming at impunity. For this reason the ICC and SCSL focus strongly on those persons most responsible for human rights and IHL violations and apply the concept of command responsibility to political and military leaders,” Coomaraswamy said.

Command responsibility does not necessarily remove individual culpability for serious human rights violations by lower ranks or subordinates, but “rather it traces liability back up the chain of command,” said legal adviser to the ICRC Young.

When child soldiers become adults

Dominic Ongwen was about 10 when he became a soldier with the Lord’s Resistance Army in the 1980s.

The ICC issued an arrest warrant for him in October 2005 for crimes against humanity, including enslavement of children. However, jurisdiction by the court does not extend to crimes committed by people under 18, and before 2002 when the Rome Statute entered into force. The crimes cited are for when Ongwen was an adult.

“Ongwen is the first known person to be charged with the same war crimes of which he is also a victim,” the Justice and Reconciliation Project, a Ugandan NGO concerned with transitional justice, said in a 2008 field note entitled Complicating Victims and Perpetrators in Uganda: On Dominic Ongwen

“[Ongwen and other child soldiers] represent precisely the kind of complex political victims who, if excluded from justice pursuits, could give birth to the next generation of perpetrators in Uganda; generations marginalized by the judicial sector and who have nothing to gain from citizenship and nothing to lose from war,” the field note observed. 

The Lubanga case

Tomaso Falchetta, Child Soldiers International (CSI) legal and policy adviser, told IRIN child soldiers should be viewed as victims and the NGO opposed their prosecution, as emphasis should be on the criminal responsibility of the adult recruiters. CSI “does not advocate for a cut-off point [for the prosecution of child soldiers], as it is a difficult issue.”

The first person to stand trial at the ICC for enlisting children under 15 was former Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) warlord Thomas Lubanga. His trial at The Hague is nearing completion after he allegedly recruited underage children into the Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of the Congo (FPLC) during the conflict in Ituri, a district in the eastern DRC, between 2002 and 2003.

An international humanitarian law expert, who declined to be identified, told IRIN Lubanga’s case was “tremendously important” as “it will make others pause and think… Every rebel leader must be aware of this case.”

Falchetta said it was “difficult to provide an empirical judgement on that [Lubanga’s ICC prosecution being a deterrent]”, and rather that accountability needed to be enforced at the national state level to discourage the continued use of child soldiers.

The former DRC president, Laurent Kabila, said in 2000 the armed forces would demobilize all child soldiers but a year after he made the commitment, four DRC child soldiers aged 14-16 were granted clemency, after death sentences imposed by a military tribunal led to international condemnation from human rights organizations. A 14-year-old child soldier was reportedly executed the previous year.

Capital punishment for persons under 18 violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The DRC is party to both international human rights treaties.

“The DRC laws may be there [the use of child soldiers is illegal], but when it comes to implementation, investigation and prosecution [of adult recruiters], we’ve seen little of that,” Falcetta said.

The CSI said in an April 2011 report (entitled Report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child in Advance of the DRC initial report on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict) that “hundreds of children remain in the ranks of the national armed forces (Forces Armées de la Republique Démocratique du Congo) despite legal and policy obligations to release them and government pledges to do so.”

Laws of war

Matthew Happold of Hull University in the UK said in 2005 paper entitled The Age of Criminal Responsibility in International Criminal Law there were “good reasons” for regulating criminal responsibility of international crimes through international law as they were “often distinguished from crimes under national law because they transcend national boundaries and are of concern to the international community.”

He said, in the paper presented at the Hague Academic Coalition’s conference on international criminal responsibility, that from the perspective of a defendant, “it would seem wrong for an individual’s liability under international law to depend upon the place of prosecution…. States are obliged to prosecute and punish offenders. Permitting States to decide their own age of criminal responsibility would allow them to determine the scope of their international obligations.”

Child soldiers, like any other combatants are subjected to the Nuremburg principle that holds: “The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him.”

ICC’s Article 33 determines that acting on orders from superiors was not a defence of criminal responsibility but there are mitigating circumstances, and among them, is that a person may be relieved from prosecution if they did not know the order was unlawful.

However, the commission of “manifestly unlawful” crimes, such as genocide or crimes against humanity cannot be mitigated.

Young said the “so-called `defence of superior orders’… the [Nuremberg] principle that `I was just following orders’ can no longer relieve any of us of criminal (and moral) responsibility for unconscionable acts we commit at the behest of others.”

However, Rule 155 of Customary IHL, provided leeway, where “coercion and duress may provide exceptions… and one can quickly imagine how this principle might mitigate the responsibility of a child soldier who was forcibly recruited and forced, under threat of harm, to commit war crimes,” ICRC adviser Young said.

Yumbe Theatre Disarmament

Yumbe Community Theatre Day / Peace Day, 21 Sept 2011

On September 21st, JRP and the MAYANK Development Association organized celebrations for the annual International Day of Peace (Peace Day) 2011 in Yumbe district, West Nile sub-region, Uganda. Survivors of the UNRF II conflict presented a drama that highlighted the cause and rise of the UNRF II and the resolution of the conflict through the Yumbe Peace Accord in 2002.

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JRP delivers key remarks for Peace Day in Yumbe

International Day of Peace 2011 Key Note Address

JRP delivers key remarks for Peace Day in Yumbe
JRP delivers key remarks at Peace Day in Yumbe.

On September 21st, JRP and the MAYANK Development Association organized celebrations for the annual International Day of Peace (Peace Day) 2011 in Yumbe district, West Nile sub-region, Uganda.

JRP’s Lindsay McClain delivered the key note address on behalf of the organizers, providing an overview of the history of Peace Day and its mission, and the relevance for West Nile and Yumbe in particular. Next year, the region will celebrate the 10th anniversary of the 2002 Yumbe Peace Accords that ended the conflict between the UNRF II and the Government.

To read the full address, click here.

JRP VOL Talk Show 20Sept2011

Peace Day Talk Show in Arua, 20 Sept 2011

On Tuesday, September 20, 2011, JRP held a one-hour talk show on Arua radio station Voice of Life FM 100.9. The show featured JRP’s Sylvia Opinia, Lindsay McClain, Isaac Okwir, Mzee Nahari Oyaa of the Madi-Lugbara Cultural Foundation, and presenter Jonathan Driliga.

The purpose of the talk show was to discuss International Day of Peace, celebrated every year on September 21st, and the programmes scheduled for West Nile. JRP, in conjunction with the MAYANK Development Association, organized celebrations in Yumbe. Survivors of the UNRF II conflict in Yumbe who have formed a JRP-supported theatre group performed a drama that traced the historical events of the UNRF II conflict and the 2002 Yumbe peace accords.

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Mukura theatre day 16Sept2011

Mukura Community Theater Performance, 16 Sept 2011

On Friday, September 16, 2011, JRP facilitated survivors and families of the 1989 Mukura massacre to hold a community theater performance. The performance was part of an ongoing engagement with the Mukura Memorial Development Initiative (MUMEDI) and aimed at generating a discussion on how to best seek justice and reconciliation after the conflict in the area. The drama’s script and theme of reconciliation with the President of Uganda was entirely drafted by the actors.

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Mukura theatre day 16Sept2011

“Mukura Reconciliation Feature,” Etop Radio, 16 Sept 2011

“Mukura Reconciliation Feature,” Etop Radio, 16 Sept 2011

On September 16th, JRP facilitated a community theatre presentation in Mukura by survivors and families of the deceased of the 1989 Mukura massacre. An Etop/New Vision journalist, Godfrey Ojore, attended the event and captured the community’s call for reconciliation with the government in a 4-minute radio feature that aired on Etop Radio on the 16th.

By Godfrey Ojore

Intro (Translated from Ateso):
After 22 years of pain after losing the beloved ones, Mukura massacre survivors, widows and widowers have accepted to reconcile with government. In 1989 during insurgency in Teso region, soldiers rounded up people suspected to be rebels and herded them into a train wagon before setting fire beneath it. 69 people perished while many sustain serious injuries. Last year government sent a compensation of 200 million to Mukura. So how exactly do the survivors of the Mukura massacre want to reconcile with government? Etop radio’s Godfrey Ojore now answers that question in the following report. (Cue feature)

To listen to the feature report in Ateso, click here.