Category Archives: Media

Justice in north needs complex solutions, Daily Monitor, 29 Jan 2012

Justice in north needs complex solutions, Daily Monitor, 29 Jan 2012
http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/ThoughtIdeas/-/689844/1315470/-/item/0/-/9le52p/-/index.html

By Lino Owor Ogora

In July last year, Thomas Kwoyelo became the first Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) commander to be charged before Uganda’s International Crimes Division (ICD). He was charged with 53 counts crimes against humanity. On September 22, a few months after the commencement of his trial, Uganda’s Constitutional Court ruled that Kwoyelo was entitled to amnesty in line with Uganda’s Amnesty Act of 2000, and ordered his trial to be halted forthwith, a ruling which was further upheld by the High Court on January 25, 2012.

This court ruling has attracted mixed reactions from national and international actors and the public at large. While some people have applauded the court ruling and amnesty alike, others condemned both.

The case of Kwoyelo, however, re-affirms the fact that the pursuit of justice in northern Uganda requires complex solutions beyond merely dragging ex-commanders of the LRA to the courts of law.

In this regard, it is vital to understand the significance of amnesty in stemming the conflict in northern Uganda, and the complications that come with handling individuals who carry dual victim-perpetrator identities.

Uganda’s Amnesty Act of 2000 offers pardon to ‘any Ugandan who has at any time since January 26, 1986, engaged in or is engaging in war or armed rebellion against the government of the Republic of Uganda’. In northern Uganda, amnesty has been instrumental in fostering the return of thousands of ex-combatants. Until August 22, 2008, the Amnesty Commission’s database indicated 22,930 reporters – 50 per cent of these were LRA reporters.

Success in the air
This is an indication that amnesty has registered a tremendous success. If it were not for amnesty, millions of people would still be living within IDP camps. Thousands more children would have been abducted, and even the Juba peace talks which ushered in the prevailing peace in northern Uganda would not have taken place.

Many critics of amnesty may argue that the amnesty law in northern Uganda is no longer relevant given that the LRA have been subdued. However, if you lived in northern Uganda during the period of the insurgency, or even simply visited an IDP camp at the height of the conflict and witnessed the suffering of the people, you would understand and appreciate the prioritisation of ‘peace first, justice later’ and amnesty. It is because of this prioritisation that northern Ugandans, led by religious and traditional leaders were at the forefront of advocating for amnesty as a crucial factor in ending the conflict.

With the LRA still very much alive and committing atrocities in Central African Republic and Southern Sudan, the amnesty law is still needed. In a situational survey conducted by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) in December 2011 in Acholi region, more than 90 per cent of the respondents believed that amnesty was still relevant. Therefore, rather than argue for the total nullification of the amnesty law, perhaps the question we need to answer is whether amendments are required to specify clearly which commanders of the LRA should or should not be granted amnesty in the event that they return.

In addition, the case of Kwoyelo also raises complex questions regarding the perpetrators who are victims themselves. Kwoyelo was abducted at the age of 15 from his village of Pogo in Pabo Sub-County in Amuru District. Like other children and youth before him, he was carried off into captivity, trained into a child soldier and rose through the ranks to become a high ranking commander. The fate of adult commanders of the LRA who were abducted as children and turned into the killers they are today has been a topic of substantial discussion.

Having been abducted while young and vulnerable, Kwoyelo was a victim. Having committed crimes after the age of 18, Kwoyelo should be able to take responsibility for his actions. What then should be the fate of such individuals? Many human rights activists have often flatly insisted that on becoming adults, such individuals need to take full responsibility for their actions. Why is it that such human rights activists never talk of holding the government accountable for failing to protect children such as Kwoyelo from abduction in the first place? There is need to consider all these circumstances when dealing with cases such as Kwoyelo’s.

Furthermore, there is need to reflect on why cases of NRA/UPDF perpetrators who committed war crimes during the insurgency are not coming up. In northern Uganda, it is a known fact that all armed parties to the conflict, including state and non-state actors, committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Court martials not good enough?
While the Juba Peace Agreement calls for handling state actors through other measures such as military court martials, many people in northern Uganda feel the outcomes of these courts would be highly unpredictable, and could lead to many state actor perpetrators being let off the hook.

Military court martial proceedings are often closed to the public and conducted by the army leadership and the participation of victims is often limited. For these reasons, many people in northern Uganda will continue reiterating their call for prosecution of state actors within the ICD. If charges are not brought against the UPDF, or at the very least investigations into state violations conducted, then DPP, runs the risk of being labeled partial.

Finally, beyond pursuing justice in courts of law, there is need to keep the needs of victims and survivors of the conflict in mind. Victims need reparations, compensation, restitution, and restoration of their livelihoods.

Beyond passing guilty or non-guilty verdicts, courts of law such as the ICD will not cater for these very important needs. For reparations to be effected in a proper and timely manner, Uganda requires a reparations policy, which is currently lacking. All these factors should be taken into consideration for justice to prevail in Northern Uganda.

The author is a researcher with the Justice & Reconciliation Project, an NGO based in Gulu District.

http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/ThoughtIdeas/-/689844/1315470/-/item/0/-/9le52p/-/index.html

“Justice and Reconciliation Project reports on Acholi perceptions of the Amnesty Act,” Resolve Blog, 9 Jan 2012

“Justice and Reconciliation Project reports on Acholi perceptions of the Amnesty Act,” Resolve Blog, 9 Jan 2012 
http://www.theresolve.org/blog/archives/3071031799

 

By Azy

We’re fans of the folks at The Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) — they’re great people doing great work. Recently, JRP released an interesting report that focuses on the feelings and perceptions of LRA-affected communities in northern Uganda toward Uganda’s Amnesty Act.

The Uganda Amnesty Act of 2000 grants amnesty to any rebel combatant from 1986 onward who lays down his or her weapons and renounces the rebellion. According to JRP’s report, more than 10,800 former members of the LRA have received amnesty through the Act as of August 2008, and have re-joined their communities with less harassment and stigma than they otherwise would have experienced without this national policy of forgiveness. The Amnesty Act has been shown to actively encourage combatants to defect from the LRA, with the promise that they will be accepted back home. This is very important, as so many LRA combatants were abducted as children and were unwilling combatants in the first place.

As reflected in the report, JRP researchers interviewed a spectrum of Acholi community members, from local leaders to former-abductees, and asked what they thought of amnesty. Their findings show overwhelming support for the Amnesty Act and many respondents argued that Uganda’s amnesty policy is partially to thank for the peace that the region has experienced since the LRA left Uganda’s borders in 2006. It helps clean the slate and faciliate forgiveness for the unwilling fighters, from both their community and their country.

Interestingly, some of the respondents said they wished that even the top commanders would be granted amnesty, arguing that almost everyone aside from LRA leader Joseph Kony was at one time a victim.

Currently, the Amnesty Act of 2000 is due to either expire or be extended in May 2012, making JRP’s report especially timely.

In this same vein, this spring Resolve will be lobbying our leaders in Washington with the recommendation that part of the $10 million in foreign aid Congress recently authorized for the LRA-affected communities should go towards the rescue, rehabilitation, and reintegration of LRA combatants.

In the case of the LRA, amnesty is an important component of peace and restoration that must go hand-in-hand with focused efforts to support ex-combatants as they seek healing and reintegrate with their communities.

This report is just 3 pages long and fascinating from beginning to end. Take a few minutes to read it yourself.

“Kwoyelo Amnesty Raises Questions about Ugandan Justice,” International Justice Resource Center, 30 Nov. 2011

“Kwoyelo Amnesty Raises Questions about Ugandan Justice,” International Justice Resource Center, 30 Nov. 2011
http://ihrlaw.org/2011/11/30/kwoyelo-amnesty-raises-questions-about-ugandan-justice/

In Uganda, amnesty for an alleged Lord’s Resistance Army commander, Thomas Kwoyelo, by the country’s High Court has raised questions regarding the future of transitional justice there.  Kwoyelo had been the first person charged by the International Crimes Division of the High Court for murder and other acts allegedly committed during nearly two decades of attacks by LRA forces on civilians in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (detailed background here).  Although the grant of amnesty was upheld on appeal, the attorney general has appealed again to the Supreme Court.  Many LRA rebels were granted amnesty under the Amnesty Act of 2000, but Kwoyelo had been denied without explanation when he applied. [Sunday MonitorBBCRNW]  Other LRA leaders indicted by the International Criminal Court have yet to be captured (Kwoyelo is not sought by the ICC). [ICC]

Kwoyelo’s trial on charges of grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions began in July 2011 (see HRW report here).  As reported by Human Rights Watch:

Kwoyelo’s defense counsel signalled to the court that they would raise three preliminary objections to the trial. One would be in regard to the state’s failure to apply Uganda’s Amnesty Law to Kwoyelo, although thousands of other LRA combatants have been granted amnesty under the act. The second would be to the fact that they had yet to receive full disclosure of the prosecution file, including exculpatory evidence. The third would be to the application of the Geneva Conventions Act to Kwoyelo’s alleged conduct.

[HRW] The International Crimes Division then sought an interpretation of these issues by the appellate court, which ruled on September 22 that Kwoyelo was entitled to amnesty under the law and as a matter of equal protection.  When the prosecution sought a stay of the order to release him, on November 10, the appeals court confirmed its September ruling  and held Kwoyelo should be freed.  Recently, when Kwoyelo remained in custody despite the court’s order, the International Crime Division of the High Court urged the public prosecutor to apply the amnesty and set him free. [AllAfricaJustice and Reconciliation; Yahoo;  Insight on Conflict]

As reported by the Justice and Reconciliation Project, residents in Kwoyelo’s hometown in northern Uganda who identify Kwoyelo “as the face of the LRA” blamed him for the atrocities committed there and “feel strongly that he should not return and fear his presence in the area.”  Further, the Project reports, “victims expressed frustration over inconsistent dealings with the ICD and a lack of communication about current developments in Kwoyelo’s case”. [JRP]

“Col. Kwoyelo rearrested within minutes of his release by High Court in Gulu,” Acholi Times, 14 Nov. 2011

“Col. Kwoyelo rearrested within minutes of his release by High Court in Gulu,” Acholi Times, 14 Nov. 2011
http://www.acholitimes.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=511%3Acol-kwoyelo-rearrested-within-minutes-of-his-release-by-high-court-in-gulu&catid=8%3Afront-news&Itemid=95

By Livingstone David Okumu

Uncertainty swept through the courtroom in Gulu High Court on Friday after former LRA Colonel Thomas Kwoyelo was whisked away under tight security to Gulu prison minutes after the International Crimes Division directed that he be set freed immediately. Col Kwoyelo, who was facing 53 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, was officially set free at 11:30 am after a 2 hour delay on Friday 11 November 2011.

The head of the court, Justice Dan Akiiki Kiiza after a brief apology to the court over the delay in convening the court said that they were simply following a directive from the Constitutional Court after its ruling on the 22nd September.

The Constitutional Court had ruled that the denial of Col Kwoyelo’s application for amnesty by the DPP was unconstitutional and contradicted articles 1, 2, 20 and 21 of the constitution of Uganda.

Justice Akiiki said the court in releasing Col Kwoyelo was simply following the directive of a higher authority.

“We hereby cease the trial of the accused Thomas Kwoyelo alias Latoni forthwith. And consequently direct the DPP and the Amnesty Commission to comply with the provisions of the amnesty act” he ordered before ending the session.

The court room burst into a murmur of approval as Kwoyelo, wearing matching green shirt and trousers, was directed by prison warders, into the back of the court.

However, the crowd, including his mother and sisters, who attended the session waited for more than 45 minutes in the hope of seeing Col Kwoyelo released, only to see him whisked away in two prison pickup trucks led by a police escort truck.

His mother, Rosolina Oyela said she was surprised by the incident because she expected to go back home with her son.

His lawyer, Francis Onyango declined to comment on the matter.

“I have no comment because there is a Supreme Court case over the issue,” he said.

Civil society, cultural and religious leaders in the region reiterated their called for the promotion of Mato Oput way of justice to the war affected communities in northern Uganda. Lino Owor Ogora, the head of research and documentation at the Justice and Reconciliation Project, said the way forward is to reconcile Kwoyelo with the victims in Pabbo.

He said technically Kwoyelo is free but realistically he is not since a needed to be face the communities of his victims to ensure that he leads a normal life in their midst.

Kwoyelo was whisked to Kampala after a brief stay a Gulu prisons.

“State ignores court ruling over Kwoyelo,” Daily Monitor, 13 Nov. 2011

“State ignores court ruling over Kwoyelo,” Daily Monitor, 13 Nov. 2011
http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/-/688334/1271924/-/bgurw8z/-/

By Moses Akena and David Livingstone Okuuu

Former Lord’s Resistance Army commander Thomas Kwoyelo was on Friday whisked off to prison despite a ruling by the International Crimes Division of the High Court set ting him free.

Justice Dan Akiiki Kiiza ordered for the release of Kwoyelo following an order by the Constitutional Court.

“We hereby ceased the trial of the accused person (Kwoyelo) alias Latoni forthwith. And consequently we hereby direct the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and the Amnesty Commission to comply with the provisions of the Amnesty Act,” said Judge Akiiki.

Mr Frank Mayanja Baine, the Prisons spokesperson, last evening confirmed the continued detention of Kwoyelo, saying he is still facing two other charges.

“We work on documents and for someone to be released on amnesty, he or she must have a certificate, which Kwoyelo has not got, to be released. Once he gets the certificate and other documents for his release then we shall release him,” he said in a telephone interview.

Kwoyelo’s mother, Ms Rosolina Oyela, said she was surprised by the incident because she expected to go back home with her son.

His lawyer Francis Onyango, however, declined to comment on the matter. “I have no comment because there is a Supreme Court case over the issue,” he said.

Civil society want reconciliation
The court, however, did not mention the Supreme Court appeal.

Civil society actors in the region reiterated their call for reparations to war affected communities in northern Uganda, and reconciliation.

Mr Lino Owor Ogora, the head of research and documentation at the Justice and Reconciliation Project, said the way forward is to reconcile Kwoyelo with the victims in Pabbo.

Kwoyelo is the first LRA commander to be prosecuted for crimes committed during the two-decade war in northern Uganda that left thousand dead and millions displaced. He was captured in 2008 during Operation Lightning Thunder in Garamba Forest, eastern DR Congo.

The ICC in 2005 issued an arrest warrant for five top LRA commanders, including their leader Joseph Kony, Dominic Ogweng, Onen Kamdul and two others who died in the bush. Kony is said to be operating between Central African Republic and Sudan.

Kwoyelo Trial 11Nov11

Kwoyelo ICD Trial Cessation, 11 Nov. 11

[AFG_gallery id=’41’]

On November, 11, 2011, the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court of Uganda convened at the High Court in Gulu to follow recommendations set forth by the Constitutional Court pertaining to the trial of ex-LRA commander Col. Thomas Kwoyelo. These photos capture what transpired. For more information, visit www.justiceandreconciliation.com.

Copyright © 2011 Justice and Reconciliation Project

JRP’s Lino Ogora Comments on Kwoyelo Trial, 11 Nov. 11

[yframe url=’http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m4EVVuBc1tA&feature=youtu.be’]

On November, 11, 2011, the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court of Uganda convened at the High Court in Gulu to follow recommendations set forth by the Constitutional Court pertaining to the trial of ex-LRA commander Col. Thomas Kwoyelo. After the ICD ordered the cessation of the trial and referred Kwoyelo’s release to the DPP and the Amnesty Commission, JRP’s Lino Owor Ogora answered questions by media outside the court building.

Copyright © 2011 Justice and Reconciliation Project

ICD judges

“Cessation of the Kwoyelo Case,” ICD Court Ruling, 11 Nov. 11

ICD judges
A panel of 3 ICD judges during the Kwoyelo trial on Nov. 11, 2011.

“Cessation of the Kwoyelo Case,” ICD Court Ruling, 11 Nov. 11

Listen here.

On November 11, 2011, the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court of Uganda convened in Gulu in the case of ex-LRA commander Col. Thomas Kwoyelo. In this audio, the lawyers are introduced and the panel of judges states its compliance of the Sept. 22nd Constitutional Court ruling to cease the trial in light of Kwoyelo’s eligibility for amnesty. The ICD did not, however, order for Kwoyelo’s release, and instead referred that matter to the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and the Amnesty Commission.

 

“US Troop Deployment Revisited – The Hunt for Kony,” Justice in Conflict blog, 3 Nov. 2011

“US Troop Deployment Revisited – The Hunt for Kony,” Justice in Conflict blog, 3 Nov. 2011
http://justiceinconflict.org/2011/11/03/us-troop-deployment-revisited-%E2%80%93-the-hunt-for-kony/

By Patrick Wegner

US President Barack Obama’s decision to send 100 combat armed military advisors to Uganda, Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Southern Sudan made worldwide headlines about three weeks ago. The controversial decision and discussions about its consequences brought the LRA conflict back into the headlines after the world had all but forgotten about the steady trickle of mutilations, killings and abductions mainly committed in the DRC and CAR by the LRA. One thing has become very clear to me in interviews with diplomats and staff of international organizations that are working in the context of the conflict: the LRA is no longer seen as a threat for regional stability. This means that the LRA conflict has ceased to matter in the big picture of geopolitics. It is another one of those low intensity conflicts that claim the lives of innocent civilians on a daily basis but are not endangering the security interests of powerful nations. What does the US troop deployment mean in this context?

Since foreign policy practitioners do not see the conflict as a risk to regional stability, President Obama’s move could be regarded as a surprise. Yet, it makes perfect sense both in a US domestic as well as in an international perspective. The US has seen constant campaigning by civil society organizations like Enough and Invisible Children who pressure the US administration to do something about the deaths of innocent civilians in Central Africa. The campaigning led to the signing of the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act by Barack Obama in May 2010. A high ranking diplomat I talked to a couple of weeks before the troop deployment told me that he expects the US to ‘do something’ in the LRA context soon, as a Congress report on the LRA Act was upcoming in late October and the administration needed to be seen doing something. His prediction proved right.

From the international perspective, Uganda is of high strategic importance in the region. The Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) is one of the strongest armies in the area. It plays a major role in the UN Mission in Somalia, provides staff for UNAMID in Darfur, and plays the leading role in regional efforts to hunt down the LRA. The fact that the UPDF is providing troops for these missions removes pressure from Western nations to deploy their own troops in the region. Finally, the recent discovery of oil has just increased Uganda’s importance. The decision can therefore also be seen as an acknowledgement of the important role Uganda is playing in the region.Many Ugandans I talked to are deeply distrustful of the US intervention. Most people think that the US is showing up now, years after the war ended in northern Uganda, because oil has been discovered in Amuru. Yet, the LRA is no longer a Ugandan issue. The LRA has spread over three states in the region, and people are still dying. So there are valid arguments for intervening on humanitarian grounds. But what is the impact of the deployment we can expect on the ground? Critics like Lindsay McCain of the Justice and Reconciliation Project from northern Uganda say that the deployment of US military advisors will reinforce the military logic of the conflict and lead to the death of innocent abducted children that travel with the LRA. She criticises the lack of a humanitarian component and a focus on protecting civilians in the affected regions from LRA attacks. I think those arguments are valid and point out a significant weakness of the US approach to combating the LRA. Yet, the deployment of US advisors might still help to stop the conflict and end the suffering of civilians in the longer term.

The US has been supporting the UPDF for several years. In the beginning, this support was mainly given through financial aid for the military budget. During Operation Lightning Thunder, that marked the end of negotiation efforts during the Juba Peace Process and was meant to ‘wipe out’ the LRA, US military advisors provided the UPDF with information and advice. Still the operation failed. Afterwards, the US supported the hunt for Kony and the remaining LRA rebels through providing the UPDF with GPS data and satellite imagery. Yet, the UPDF was not sufficiently equipped to act on that information. On the one hand, they had no means to use the exact GPS data the US provided them with, on the other hand the UPDF rapid response capacities were insufficient to hunt down the LRA fast enough.

The deployment of US military advisors on the ground who can help the UPDF to make use of the data forwarded by US military intelligence could make a real difference. The UPDF has been close to capturing or killing Kony at least twice in recent years. In August 2009, the UPDF ran into Joseph Kony’s bodyguards in CAR and killed several of them in the ensuing gunfight, yet Kony managed to escape while being chased by the UPDF.

In October 2011 the UPDF again ran into Kony’s entourage according to the UPDF spokesman. Kony moves inside several circles of security perimeters. Three rings of bodyguards move constantly with him, and as soon as the outer ring engages in combat, Kony has the opportunity to quickly flee into the opposite direction. But chances are that Kony will eventually run out of luck if the UPDF is able to track his group more closely with the help of US military advisors.

We might well see the end of Joseph Kony’s flight soon. Whether this would mean the end of the conflict is not clear though. The LRA has splintered into ever smaller groups and it is not clear in how far Kony still has full control of them. Independent LRA groups may be roaming through CAR and DRC abducting and killing civilians for years after Kony’s death or capture. Additionally, UN sources have told me that many armed groups and militias in the DRC have started mimicking LRA attacks to cover up their robberies. It is hard to say how much of the ‘LRA activity’ we see in the region is actually local banditry.

Finally, on an interesting side note, a former top LRA Commander I was able to talk to told me that Joseph Kony had announced as early as 1998 that his spirits had revealed to him that Ugandans would bring in the US to hunt him. Kony made a prophecy that the war would end when the US becomes involved. They would not be able to catch him, but would help the Acholi of northern Uganda to recover from the war. Kony said that his spirits revealed to him that he would just disappear in the jungle, ‘like Moses disappeared after leading his people to the Holy Land’. The spirits told him that the US would come to search for him, only to eventually find out that he had disappeared without a trace for ever.

‘I cannot accept what I have not done’: Storytelling, Gender and Transitional Justice, Journal of Human Rights Practice, 4 Nov. 2011

‘I cannot accept what I have not done’: Storytelling, Gender and Transitional Justice, Journal of Human Rights Practice, 4 Nov. 2011

http://jhrp.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2011/11/04/jhuman.hur015.full#xref-ref-30-1

By Erin Baines and Beth Stewart

Note: JRP’s Gender Justice department assisted in this research.

Abstract

Storytelling can be a process of seeking social equilibrium after violence. We examine this proposition through the stories of Ajok, an Acholi woman who was abducted by the rebel group, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda and who was forced into marriage and motherhood. We consider how her stories contest discrimination by her neighbours and family since her return, creatively reinterpreting the past to defend her innocence and moral character

throughout the war and to defend her rightful place in present society as an Acholi woman and mother. The article concludes by reflecting on the value of locally based and culturally relevant storytelling for survivors in the field and practice of transitional justice.

To read the full article, click here