Tag Archives: Acholi

Dialogue with northern Ugandan stakeholders on the Right to Know campaign for missing persons highlights need to support the missing and their families

On 28 August 2015, families of the missing, religious and traditional leaders, and civil society marched through Lira to commemorate the International Day of the Disappeared as part of JRP's The RIght to Know campaign.
On 28 August 2015, families of the missing, religious and traditional leaders, and civil society marched through Lira to commemorate the International Day of the Disappeared as part of JRP’s The RIght to Know campaign.

On August 28 2015, JRP organized a dialogue with representatives of family of the missing from four sub-regions of West Nile, Teso, Acholi and Lango as part of a campaign to create awareness for missing person in Lira called ‘The Right to Know’. This started with a procession from Lira District Chambers through the streets in Lira and later to Apostolic Centre with the people like religious leaders, traditional leaders, families of the missing and other civil society organizations like African Youth Initiative Network, Justice and Peace Commission, Northern Uganda Media Club, Concerned Parents Association and several media persons to spread the messages of the family of the missing.

A short prayer was made by Pastor Martin Odongo after a representative of the four sub-regions lit a candle. The burning candles were a symbol of light in the life of those who had gone missing.

During remarks given by JRP Head of office JRP Boniface Ojok, there was emphasis on the importance of recognizing the 30th of August as a day in remembrance of those who have disappeared in Uganda. Mr Ojok spoke about the need for the government to incorporate the issue of the missing persons in its policy in order to meet the social, legal and to a greater extent economic challenges facing the missing and their families. This is because, he said, the issue of the missing can be a long term impediment to peace. JRP’s 2014 policy brief, ‘The Right to Know – Policy Recommendations for Addressing The Rights of The Missing and Their Families in Northern Uganda’ reflected this by providing recommendations for acknowledgment of the missing persons, a comprehensive policy in regards to missing persons, and support for ongoing research outside of the scope of the brief.

When representatives of the families of the missing of across northern Uganda spoke at the event, many said that they are living with trauma, stigma, land conflict and lack of family support. Because there has been little acknowledgment of the issue of the missing as being important the families live in pain and isolation with feelings of anxiety for information on the whereabouts of their children.

During the Acting Resident District Commissioner for Lira and District Security Officer, Frank Madulo’s speech, he acknowledged the work of JRP in advocating for the missing and their families by making its calls victim oriented. He further made mentioned that he will ensure that the government acknowledges 30th August being the day for the disappeared persons. to support the families of the missing and to incorporate the issue of the missing persons in Uganda’s forthcoming Transitional Justice (TJ) policy.

Joyce Abalo is a Project Assistant with JRP’s Community Mobilisation department.

 

Joining hands for regional reconciliation

A woman speaks during a dialogue held in Abia, Aleptong district as part of JRP's Regional Reconciliation project, 5 June 2015.
A woman speaks during a dialogue held in Abia, Aleptong district as part of JRP’s Regional Reconciliation project, 5 June 2015.

The Justice and Reconciliation Project’s Regional Reconciliation initiative is a one year program designed to foster social cohesion and reconciliation in northern Uganda following the growing tension among communities in the north. Northern Uganda went through a number of conflicts and the most recent was that of LRA war that left a land mark effect on the population: the violent nature of the war caused tension among ethnic groups in northern Uganda as some ethnic groups are accusing other ethnic groups for their suffering during the war. To improve on the fragmented social fabric of life in northern Uganda, JRP’s project seeks to reconcile the people of Acholi and Lango sub regions by combining the effort of every stakeholder in peace building processes.

With funding support from USAID’s Supporting Access to Justice, Fostering Equity and Peace program, JRP worked in four districts in northern Uganda (Amuru, Gulu, Lira and Aleptong) to foster social cohesion and reconciliation among the Acholi and the people of Lango sub-regions. In enrolling the project in the four districts, we introduced our organization and the project to districts, sub-counties, cultural institutions and civil society offices to help them understand the initiative and to seek their collaboration in fostering reconciliation within communities and between the people of Acholi and Lango. With great enthusiasm, local government officials in the districts and sub counties, CSOs, cultural and religious leaders, peace committees and victims and survivors of war all embraced the program and joined together to support regional reconciliation initiative.

“This is one area that no one has taken seriously during this post conflict reconciliation era,” said the LC III Chairperson of Agweng sub-county in Lira, “The war left societies torn apart and people are living in fear of each other including people in my area. I’m so much in support of this reconciliation project and I will give full support to the program.”

A man speaks during a community dialogue in Abia, Aleptong district as part of JRP's regional reconciliation project, 6 June 2015.
A man speaks during a community dialogue in Abia, Aleptong district as part of JRP’s regional reconciliation project, 6 June 2015.

 

In order to make total peace possible in this post conflict period, forgiveness and reconciliation are two things that needs to be emphasized. Having been hurt and violated immensely during the conflict, many individuals, communities and groups still point fingers and blame one another for making them suffer as individuals, community or as an ethnic group.

Since the introduction of regional reconciliation project in Lango and Acholi sub regions, there has been overwhelming positive responses and support from local government leaders, cultural and religious leaders and the community members to contribute to addressing the legacy of war in northern Uganda to avoid re-occurrence of further conflict. In Atiak sub-county, Amuru district, the sub-county Community Development Officer (CDO) expressed with deep sorrow the bitter relationship that exist between the Acholi people of Atiak sub county and the neighbouring Madi of west Nile that escalated due the LRA war. This has affected trade and intermarriages between the two communities. To him the reconciliation process is desperately needed in northern Uganda. While in Abia sub-county, Alebtong District, victims and survivors of war bitterly expressed their anger for bearing the consequence of the war and for not being repaired for the atrocities committed to them. However, they showed the heart to forgive and reconcile and to cooperate with other stakeholders in the social reconstruction process.

The willingness and active participation of various stakeholders in this project is a big boost to the project success and in enhancing sustainability of reconciliation process in northern Uganda. For example, CDOs, Sub- County Chiefs and LC III’s are far playing lead roles in mobilizing for reconciliation processes in each district while traditional and religious leaders are providing technical support to achieve reconciliation within communities and at regional level. Mobilization efforts and technical skills being provided by CSOs in facilitating capacity building workshops on reconciliation themes is also acknowledged in contributing to the success of regional reconciliation.

It is our hope that when this collaboration is enhanced, regional reconciliation will definitely be achieved on a silver plate.

Grace Acan is a Project Assistant with the Justice and Reconciliation Project’s Community Mobilisation department.

Grassroots Perspectives on Amnesty

Report on Community Dialogues Conducted in Koch Goma Sub-County (Acholi Sub-Region), Abia Sub-County (Lango Sub-Region), Obalanga Sub-County (Teso Sub-Region) and Romogi Sub-County (West Nile Sub-Region) to Gather Grassroots Perspectives on Amnesty in Uganda

From the 7 – 29 October 2014, the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) on behalf of the Uganda Law Society (ULS) conducted four community dialogues in the sub-regions of Acholi, Lango, Teso and West Nile in northern Uganda to solicit grassroots perspectives on Uganda’s Amnesty Act of 2000. The dialogues were conducted as part of a wider research project being implemented by the Uganda Law Society to inform the drafting of a future Model Amnesty Law for Uganda. This report provides a summary of the views and perspectives gathered from these dialogues. Detailed transcriptions of the dialogues are also attached as annexes.

Download this report here (pdf).

Alone Like A Tree: Reintegration Challenges Facing Children Born of War and Their Mothers in Northern Uganda

Alone Like A Tree: Reintegration Challenges Facing Children Born of War and Their Mothers in Northern Uganda
Alone Like A Tree: Reintegration Challenges Facing Children Born of War and Their Mothers in Northern Uganda

Women in northern Uganda suffered various forms of conflict-related sexual- and gender-based violence (SGBV) during the region’s longstanding armed conflicts. These have resulted in ongoing forms of re-victimisation, including those associated with the lasting effects of bearing and caring for children born as a result of conflict sexual violence, what this briefing terms “children born of war” (CBW). Unfortunately, acknowledgment and redress for CBW and their mothers is largely lacking in the transitional justice (TJ) in Uganda.

The Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP), a Ugandan non-governmental organisation that works for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities, conducted a consultation with conflict-affected women and local leaders from September to October 2014. This was done in an effort to identify emerging needs and challenges facing CBW and their mothers so that policies and programmes can be developed and implemented to meet and address these needs. The consultation sought the views of more than 447 people and found that stigmatisation, rejection, trauma, behavioural challenges, meeting basic needs, identity and access to land continue to be major challenges facing CBW that are likely to only intensify as these children come of age.

Organised into eight sections, the briefing provides an introduction and methodological overview, background on CBW and TJ in Uganda, analysis of numbers and key challenges according to mothers of CBW and local leaders, and recommendations for the Government of Uganda and other stakeholders on what is needed to address these challenges and provide meaningful redress to CBW and their mothers.

Key findings

  • 1,609 children (both CBW and non-CBW) between the ages of <1 to 31-years-old are being cared for the participating members of the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN).
  • Eighty percent of the children older than five years old are reported to be in school, but paying school fees are reported as the number one challenge in caring for male and female CBW.
  • 437 (27%) of the 1,609 children reported were conceived because of an act of sexual violence against the mother. 311 (68%) were conceived in captivity, 80 (18%) were conceived of rape, 33 (7%) were conceived of defilement, and 33 (7%) were conceived of sexual exploitation.
  • 481 (30%) of the fathers of all children reported were in an armed group at the time of conception. Of the children conceived through sexual violence, 330 (88%) of the fathers were in the LRA and 46 (12%) of the fathers were in the states forces (Uganda People’s Defence Force [UPDF] or National Resistance Army [NRA]).
  • The primary challenges facing CBW include stigmatisation and rejection, trauma and behavioural challenges, inability to meet basic needs, identity, and access to land.
  • There are unique gender dimensions to the needs of CBW, with female CBW being more susceptible to sexual exploitation and abusive marriages, and male CBW being without resources for dowry and land to settle on once married. Both male and female CBW of school-going age face challenges with school fees.
  • Local leaders report being aware of CBW in their communities, but suggest lack of data is an obstacle to the development of programmes and policies that benefit them. There is a general belief among local leaders that CBW and their mothers access more existing programmes than they do in reality.
  • More data is needed on the numbers and needs of CBW in order to inform interventions, especially at the sub-county-level.
  • There is need to better understand the challenges facing CBW from their own perspectives, and what the women and children’s justice and redress needs and expectations are.
  • Every stakeholder has a role to play in addressing the challenges raised.
  • CBW need counselling and social support, so they can come to terms with their complex identities.
  • The Government of Uganda (GoU) must prioritise support to CBW and their mothers through medical care, education, child- and family-tracing, land and housing, livelihoods, and by providing equal support as men as they provide male ex-combatants.
  • The GoU must investigate allegations of corruption and nepotism, especially with regards to government programmes for vulnerable groups, such as CBW.
  • Fathers who are alive and known should be held accountable and provide child support.
  • More steps must be taken to involve men and the community in programmes that offer assistance to CBW and their mothers.
  • CBW and their mothers should be encouraged to seek unity and relief through groups and peer support.

Key recommendations

  • More data is needed on the numbers and needs of CBW in order to inform interventions, especially at the sub-county-level.
  • There is need to better understand the challenges facing CBW from their own perspectives, and what the women and children’s justice and redress needs and expectations are.
  • Every stakeholder has a role to play in addressing the challenges raised.
  • CBW need counselling and social support, so they can come to terms with their complex identities.
  • The Government of Uganda (GoU) must prioritise support to CBW and their mothers through medical care, education, child- and family-tracing, land and housing, livelihoods, and by providing equal support as men as they provide male ex-combatants.
  • The GoU must investigate allegations of corruption and nepotism, especially with regards to government programmes for vulnerable groups, such as CBW.
  • Fathers who are alive and known should be held accountable and provide child support.
  • More steps must be taken to involve men and the community in programmes that offer assistance to CBW and their mothers.
  • CBW and their mothers should be encouraged to seek unity and relief through groups and peer support.

To read the full situational brief, please read: Alone Like A Tree Reintegration Challenges Facing Children Born of War and Their Mothers in Northern Uganda (Pdf)

Thank you for bringing our son back to the soil from where he was abducted from

 

“Thank you for bringing our son back to the soil where he was abducted from.” - Richard's uncle
“Thank you for bringing our son back to the soil where he was abducted from.” – Richard’s uncle

There was an air of excitement in Pagoro Kal village on Wednesday. On this sunny afternoon in Lamogi sub-county, Amuru District, community members were rushing to put final touches to welcome one of their sons home. Richard was abducted by the LRA in September 1996 when he was about 10 years old his uncle, Mr Latim, told us. Since then, his had parents died and his remaining relatives had heard no news about him.

It was a big surprise, then, when his uncle received a phone call telling him that his nephew had returned from captivity in the Central African Republic. After meeting his uncle at at the Army Barracks in Gulu, it was decided that an Acholi traditional ceremony known as nyono tong gweno (‘stepping on the egg’) would be performed at Richard’s ancestral home to cleanse him of any evil spirits that he may have encountered during his time away from home.

On the day of the ceremony, the atmosphere was one of a celebration. About 200 people were in attendance, including Richard’s relatives, community members, as well as representatives of the Ugandan army and a few NGOs. People danced to music blaring from a speaker system and a popular local musician, Tam Noffy, performed songs about the value of human rights, forgiveness and the beginning a new life.

Richard’s arrival, though, was an event in of itself. Around 2pm, the excitement reached tipping point when a convoy of vehicles was spotted heading towards the home of his family. There was a flurry of ululation and cries of “latin wa!” (“our child”) as everyone rushed to see Richard. As people gathered around the vehicle, community elders placed a symbolic stick and egg at the entrance to the home, and when Richard exited the vehicle he was given guidance on what procedure he should follow in order to comply with Acholi tradition. After this he was lifted onto the shoulders of the eager crowd and taken to the front of a tent where his hand was shaken by people excited to meet him. Watching Richard’s heroic welcome home was an incredible experience for the three members of the JRP team that attended, as this was the first time to witness this particular ceremony for them.

JRP has done numerous studies examining such rituals and the impact they have. In Roco Wat I Acoli, the adaptation of traditional cleansing rituals for returnees were examined. In Denis’s story, we documented the experience of a young man who went through a ceremony to appease the spirits of the 27 people he killed while in captivity. Also, in Gender and Generation in Acholi Traditional Justice Mechanisms, we documented attitudes of women and youth towards traditional ceremonies. Each of these studies suggest the therapeutic value of them and the marked improvements in the behaviour and attitudes of the people that participate in them. But while the ceremonies have value, these reports also found that their success is not always straightforward. For instance, where participants understand the significance of the ceremonies, a positive change was generally seen, but where they didn’t there was significantly less likelihood of positive change. So while Richard’s community was very welcoming at this initial stage in his return, the complexity of reintegration of the formerly-abducted, former combatants and others like him remains an integral issue.

Gender and Generation in Acholi Traditional Justice Mechanisms – FN XVII

Gender and Generations in Acholi Traditional Mechanisms – FN XVII, November 2012

Throughout the LRA conflict women and youth faced grave atrocities such as gender-based violence, forced marriage, and disruption of education and economic opportunities. These women and youth risk being omitted from justice and peace debates in Uganda if their unique experiences and reintegration challenges are overlooked. Acholi traditional justice mechanisms, especially mato oput and nyono tong gweno, are often promoted as a locally appropriate approach to address these issues in northern Uganda. Despite this, little has been documented about the attitudes of women and youth towards traditional approaches and the impacts of these practices on their processes of healing and recovery.

Based on opinions gathered from focus group discussions and individual interviews with war-affected women and youth throughout Acholi sub-region, this report explores the relevancy of traditional justice mechanisms to the unique justice, reintegration and reconciliation needs of women and youth. It also discusses their current role in the decision-making and negotiation process of traditional justice mechanisms, and whether that role sufficiently represents their needs and opinions in the healing process. Finally, specific policy recommendations are offered to key stakeholders on ideal ways to address and incorporate the concerns of women and youth into traditional justice mechanisms.

Read the entire report here: Gender and Generations in Acholi Traditional Mechanisms (pdf)

 

 

Voices Iss1 2012 cover

Voices Magazine Issue 1, 2012 (Amnesty)

Voices Magazine Issue 1, 2012 (Amnesty)

Click here to view.

Voices Iss1 2012 cover
Cover of the first edition of JRP’s Voices magazine

This is the first issue of the Justice and Reconciliation Project’s (JRP) latest publication, Voices magazine. JRP’s mission is to empower conflict-affected communities to participate in processes of justice, healing and reconciliation, and this magazine aspires to do just that. By providing a regular, open platform for victims and key stakeholders to dialogue on local and national transitional justice developments, we will be “sharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda” each quarter.

The theme of this first issue is amnesty. With Uganda’s Amnesty Act up for expiration, renewal or renewal with amendments on 24 May, we have sought to present the views of the war-affected communities where we operate. In this issue, key stakeholders like Michael Otim of the International Center for Transitional Justice (pg 13), Ismene Nicole Zarifis, International Technical Advisor on TJ for JLOS (pg 6,) and members of the JRP team address the important question: What should be the future of Uganda’s Amnesty Act? Like all of our work, we hope this collection of views contributes to the policy-making process currently taking place in Kampala, and links the grassroots with the decision-makers.

Click here to view.

Note: If printing on a B&W printer, we recommend you print this grayscaled version.

Mato Oput in Acholi

Pending Questions Regarding Traditional Justice

Today marks the beginning of regular posts from JRP team leaders. This was written by Documentation Team Leader, Lino Owor Ogora. For comments or questions related to the post, please email ogoralino(at)gmail.com or follow the instructions at the bottom of the post.

——————————————————–

Mato Oput in Acholi
A mato oput ceremony in Acholi-land

Today I am concluding a regional consultation organized by the Northern Uganda Transitional Justice Working Group (NUTJWG) on traditional justice in northern Uganda. The consultations were held in the four sub-regions of Teso, Lango, West Nile, and Acholi.

Since the Juba Peace Talks were held between 2006 and 2008, northern Uganda has grappled with the question of how to use alternative justice mechanisms, and in particular traditional justice, for reconciliation and accountability. However, almost four years after the close of these talks, questions remain pending around traditional justice that are not answered. They include questions such as the following:

 

  1. How should traditional justice and formal justice mechanisms complement each other?
  2. How should accountability be pursued within traditional justice mechanisms? Or are traditional justice mechanisms punitive enough?
  3. What is the role of women?
  4. How can capacity of traditional institutions be built to handle traditional justice mechanisms?
  5. How can traditional justice mechanisms be funded?

If anyone has answers to some of these questions or wishes to engage in a discussion on the role of traditional justice, leave a comment on the JRP Facebook page or tweet to us on Twitter at @JRP_Uganda using the hashtag #traditionaljustice.

 

“The roots of war: Atiak massacre, new wave of LRA brutality,” The Observer, 3 Oct 2011

“The roots of war: Atiak massacre, new wave of LRA brutality,” The Observer, 3 Oct 2011
http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=15266&Itemid=59

By Emma Mutaizibwa

Otti turned his village into a slaughterhouse by killing 300

The bright sun lit the sky on a Tuesday morning in Atiak, about 70km north of Gulu in present-day Amuru district. It was market day and traders, some having trekked miles from as far as Moyo district, had arrived as early as 5am to sell their merchandise.

Little did they know that LRA rebels had arrived earlier and were waiting to pounce. Vincent Otti, born and bred in Atiak, and by then a senior commander in the LRA, had often warned that he would turn his birthplace into a slaughterhouse. That warning became reality on Tuesday, April 22, 1995 and marked a new chapter in the civil war — a rare kind of violence the locals had never seen, and one the rebels had never unleashed.

On that day, in one of the ghastliest LRA episodes in northern Uganda that would come to transcend any earlier bloodbath, Otti, a profoundly violent man, ordered his soldiers to shoot civilians lying face-down until they were dead.

Emma Mutaizibwa revisits that day and the macabre massacre in Ayugi valley — the valley of death.

It was a chronicle of deaths foretold; an orgy of killing that would come to define the LRA’s brutal narrative in Northern Uganda. Atiak, 70km north of Gulu town, was a shabby outpost that had remained largely booming with trade even as the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebellion raged on. Locals here say if the National Resistance Army (NRA), as the Ugandan army was known then, had heeded the warning by Joseph Kony’s henchman, Vincent Otti, perhaps the loss of lives on such a large scale could have been forestalled on the day of infamy.

Otti had warned for some time that he would carry out mass slaughter in his birthplace to punish the locals who had often said the LRA guns were rusty. Otti was then heading the LRA’s Red Brigade echelon, notorious for ambushes on vehicles, looting and abductions on the Gulu-Pakwach road up to Atiak in Kilak county.

A victim of his own brutality, he would later be killed after ascending to the second position in the rebel outfit, as Kony’s deputy. Kony, the LRA leader, ordered his execution in 2008 on allegations of an attempted palace coup. In 1995, Otti knew the terrain so well that by the time he planned the attack, he was fully aware that Atiak was poorly guarded and that, despite pleas from civilians that an attack was eminent, the NRA had not shored up enough troops.

To date, that massacre remains a black spot on the conscience of the army. At dawn, Otti, one of the most ruthless instruments of the LRA, and his motley bands, struck Atiak trading centre, first targeting the 75 local defence unit personnel (LDUs), a homegrown militia established to fend off rebel attacks. About 15 LDUs were killed and the others fled town, leaving the LRA to overrun the area.

For six hours, the LRA tormented their victims. Army units that had received advanced warnings only arrived much later in the afternoon after the bloodbath. Civilian eyewitnesses report that between 5am and 10am on the fateful day, there was exchange of heavy gunfire and grenades, before the LDUs was eventually overpowered by rebels. The LRA reportedly set fire to huts and began looting from local shops.

Individuals recalled that they sought out whatever hiding places they could find — fleeing to the bush, jumping into newly dug pit latrines, or simply remaining in their huts. Despite efforts to protect themselves, many civilians were directly caught in the crossfire or specially targeted, with an unknown number of casualties.

One survivor’s narration, according to research by the Justice and Reconciliation Project, reads: “At dawn, we started hearing gunshots. At about 8am, the rates of gunshots reduced. We came to learn that the rebels had entered the centre and were already abducting people, burning houses and killing people.

“Just as we were still trying to get refuge somewhere, the rebels got us and arrested us. They gathered us in one place and when we were still in the centre, we could see some dead bodies and wounded people lying about the centre.”

Another woman recalled: “When the battle had raged for some time, the rebels headed for the barracks. On their way, they fired randomly at the house. One of my youngest children said to me, ‘Mum, get my books so that we can run.’ I was so afraid and I had to restrain my kids. The boys in the other room got out, two of them ran away. It was only the elder boy who was too afraid to run because he had been abducted before.”

She continues: “He entered the house where we were. The battle went on all morning. When there was a lull, we tried getting out and making a run for it. The [rebels] saw us and fired at us.

“So, we had to take refuge in the house once again. Then I heard one of the soldiers saying that the house we were in should be set ablaze. I got afraid and got out with all the children.”

Once the LRA had captured the trading centre, civilians were rounded up and forced to walk into the bush. Some were forced to carry looted property.

“The rebels told us not to run away. We were surrounded and taken to a shop. I was given a sack of sugar to carry, while my eldest boy was given a sack of salt,” said a survivor.

Another witness of the massacre said: “They came and pointed a rifle at me. I dropped the child I was carrying and raised my hands. They asked me if all the children were mine. I told them they were my children. They told the children to go home, and told them their mother would follow later after carrying some loads.”

The woman carried her baby again and walked with the rebels. “When we had walked for about a mile, they ordered me to put down the child. I refused. They pierced me with a bayonet on the thigh. Then we went for another mile and I was pierced again on the thigh.

“We walked and when we had reached Ayugi, I was again pierced in the neck. I was now dripping with blood (sic). Then we walked and met with the rest of the people who had been abducted.”

En route, military helicopters arrived on the scene. But this was later in the afternoon. The LRA rebels instructed civilians to remove all light-coloured clothing and to take cover under the brush to avoid detection by the soldiers in the helicopters. During this time, the LRA attempted to bomb Atiak Technical School, the bombs narrowly missing the dormitories.

The rebels raided the dorms and forced students to join the group of civilians that had been rounded up in the town centre and made to march into the bush. It is estimated that approximately 60 students, some from Lango and Teso and a few from southern Uganda, were among those killed later.

The captured civilians arrived in a valley called Ayugi, where there is a stream called Kitang. There, able-bodied men and boys were separated from women, young children and the elderly. Otti lectured the civilians, chastising them for siding with the government.

According to one witness, “Otti told us that we were undermining their power. He also said we people of Atiak were saying that LRA guns have rusted. He said he had come to show us that his guns were still functioning. For that matter he ordered us to see how his guns can still work.”

He then ordered his men to shoot at the civilians. According to another eyewitness, Otti ordered his soldiers to kill “anything that breathed”.

They then commanded children below eleven years, pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers to stand aside. Recounting the day of terror, another survivor said: “I had a sizeable child I was carrying. I shifted with them to where they told us to stand. I could not reach my little boy, who was seated with students of Atiak technical school.

“The remaining group of people was then commanded to lie down. Then they were showered with bullets. Nobody got up to attempt running away. After the bullets went silent, the soldiers were ordered to fire a second time on the dead corpses, to make sure nobody survived. They even fired a third time to make sure all the people had been killed.”

Many of the survivors watched in horror as their children were killed.

“I was so scared because I had seen my boy being shot. I wept silently and my children told me not to cry . . . My boy had been shot in the leg but still alive. They later finished him off with a bayonet.”

Another survivor recounted: “They began by telling us mothers, pregnant women and children below 13 years to move aside. They told the rest of the people to lie down and for us to look straight at them — if you look at a different direction, they can shoot you dead.

“They fired at the people first, and then again for the second time to ensure that they are all dead . . . My first-born child, mother-in-law, father-in law and my husband were all killed as I watched them die. I returned with four children whom I am struggling to take care of now.”

After the massacre, others were forced to go with the LRA to carry looted goods. As one survivor explained after showing us the scars on his face and back, many of those abducted did not survive. Others abducted that day were initiated into the LRA through brutal tactics and went on to fight or act as sex slaves for senior commanders.

The total number of persons killed in the massacre varies between 200 and 300. Some people disappeared and their whereabouts are still unknown — after the massacre, it was not possible to identify all of the dead. Government, in the aftermath of the Atiak massacre, severed diplomatic ties with the Khartoum regime.

But the massacres in the Acholi-sub-region did not relent. As a result of the bloodletting, President Yoweri Museveni, in May 1996, appointed his brother, then Maj Gen Salim Saleh, to try to bring an end to the LRA conflict.

Col James Kazini, who was murdered in 2009, was appointed 4 Division commander based in Gulu. But why did the NRA, which later became the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), fail to defeat the LRA?

In the next series, we revisit Saleh’s mission to decimate the LRA and why Kony and his bands remained undefeated.

mutaizibwa@observer.ug

Gender Justice and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda, Policy Brief No. 4

By Sylvia Opinia and Friederike Bubenzer

JRP-IJR Policy Brief No. 4

This policy brief assesses the gender‐specific transitional justice (TJ) needs of survivors of gender‐based violence in Northern Uganda.

From November 2010 to February 2011, the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP), in collaboration with the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR), organized a series of consultations with victims of conflict in Northern Uganda, entitled ‘Enhancing Grassroots Involvement in Transitional Justice Debates.’ The consultations, held in the Acholi/Lango, Teso, and West Nile sub‐regions, focused on truth‐telling, traditional justice, reparations and gender justice within the context of Uganda’s transitional justice processes.2 As part of the consultations, a separate session was held on the topic of gender justice and the extent to which it does / does not presently feature in Uganda’s transitional justice framework. Discussions at the consultations highlighted the need for Uganda’s unique gender relations and dynamics to be closely scrutinized and taken into consideration by policy‐makers in the development of transitional justice mechanisms.

The Justice Law and Order Sector (JLOS) is currently developing and implementing an accountability and reconciliation framework to deal with the legacies of conflict in Uganda. With the progress in the establishment of the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court, JLOS has undertaken a series of consultations in order to propose law and policy reforms in line with its mandate. This process presents an excellent opportunity to critically examine and document the widespread occurrence of gender‐based violence in Northern Uganda and the vast implications on individuals and communities.

This policy brief describes gender‐based violence, its occurrence and effects on local communities during and after the conflict in Northern Uganda, as well as the needs of the victims as expressed during the JRP‐IJR consultations. It concludes with a series of recommendations to the Government of Uganda through the Justice Law and Order Sector.

To download the full brief, click here.