Tag Archives: reconciliation

The Justice and Reconciliation Project Goes Abroad: An Update on International Travel and Collaboration

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WAN Chair Evelyn Amony and JRP Board Chair Michael Otim at the United Nations Security Council . Photo courtesy of Erin Baines.

Justice and Reconciliation Project staff is often on the road, driving long distances and engaging with grassroots communities throughout Uganda’s northern region. In October and November of this year, travel was also international, as two JRP officials participated in programs overseas.

Women’s Advocacy Network Chair Evelyn Amony journeyed to New York City, as she was invited by the Government of Poland to address members of the United Nations Security Council. Mrs. Amony was accompanied by JRP board chair Michael Otim and University of British Columbia Professor and JRP advisor, Dr. Erin Baines.

She shared her experiences in Lord’s Resistance Army Captivity, while also illuminating a path for the future. Specifically, Mrs. Amony told United Nations members about the importance of child tracing in post-conflict Uganda, a process through which children born of war are reunited with their families.

“It is the right of the child to know his paternal home,” Mrs. Amony said. In Acholi culture, identity and heritage are passed through the male line. Following, child tracing programs establish a previously lost sense of identity. Regardless of whether children are reunited on the maternal or paternal side, such work also alleviates many of the brutal challenges they face, providing security, the resources for an education and even land to cultivate. By supporting children now, non-profit organizations and government bodies can build the Uganda of tomorrow.

Mrs. Amony claims that her presence at the United Nations meeting was a powerful step towards a more inclusive vison of social justice, in which all voices are welcome and heard. “There is the thinking that only people who are educated should be invited in such a meeting, which I am not,” she said.  “I know that in life there are ups and downs. What I went through is not determining what I should do, that has passed. It is not about education per say, it’s about the person you are.”

Meanwhile, JRP head of office Mr.  Okwir Isaac Odiya traveled to Switzerland, to take part in Geneva Peace Week. There, he spoke on the importance of child reintegration in global peace and security measures. He also attended a meeting on Victims’ Rights organized by the Office of the Ambassador of Ireland and Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice in The Hague. He joined a panel and elaborated on the ways in which local justice mechanisms can complement the International Criminal Court.

Like Mrs. Amony, Mr. Odiya advocated for inclusivity, making powerful, international organizations and government officials aware of local initiatives.  According to Mr. Odiya local non-profits, deeply entrenched in the community, have the best understanding of community needs, but do not always have the resources to fulfill their mandate.  International organizations have those resources, but often lack inside knowledge. Thus, true partnership and collaboration are crucial going forward.

Following the trip, and back at the JRP offices in Gulu Town, Mr. Odiya spoke about the dynamics of such collaboration in depth.  “The international bodies should first come to the local partners, should come to the grassroots people. . . to understand what they are doing and then build on what [locals] have already started,” Mr. Odiya said.

Specifically, he called for research and continued international workshops, in order to create a culture of mutual learning and support. “I would love the international organizations or bodies to partner with local organizations like Justice and Reconciliation Project to build momentum.” he said.  He continued on to explain that local and international organizations can work together to implement a variety of protocols, creating a more holistic approach to transitional justice practices.

Mr. Odiya made clear that the need is urgent, and these partnerships should be established with haste. He spoke of war wounds untreated, of bullets buried deep in flesh, of burns from bombings and of women afflicted with fistulas, the final aliment a result of wartime sexual and gender based violence. Many conflict survivors still await treatment, as the national transitional justice process lags, despite the pressing nature of these medical issues. Thus, he hopes to build on the awareness created at international meetings, in order to address key challenges as soon as possible.

Both meetings paved the way for collaboration and Mrs. Amony and Mr. Odiya remain pleased with the outcome. JRP will continue to promote inclusivity and grassroots work. Moreover, it looks forward to building strong relationships with global partners in order to effectively meet the needs of the community.

Victims lack Support due to Insufficient Funds in Thomas Kwoyelo Trial

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The Trial of Thomas Kwoyelo continues with plea taking. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Eyes downcast and voice quiet, accused rebel Thomas Kwoyelo repeated the same phrase over and over; “I did not know about it and I did not do it.” The first of the Lord’s Resistance Army to be tried in a domestic court, Kwoyelo stands accused of 93 counts of murder, rape, kidnap, and torture, as well as violations of the Geneva Convention.  Plea taking occurred on November 12 and 13, 2018 at the High Court in Gulu.  Kwoyelo pleaded not-guilty to all charges.

Following plea-taking, the case was adjourned until next year, and will continue in February of 2019. This follows a previous adjournment in September, when defense attorneys argued that the accused had not been presented with a proper translation of his indictment. A bail hearing set to take place on November 15, 2018 has also been postponed until January. Kwoyelo will again return to prison, awaiting a trial that has taken nearly ten years to come.

In addition to these continued delays, Victim’s Counsel Komatech Kilima claims that survivors’ voices have not been properly represented. Speaking outside of the court, following the first day of plea-taking, he said, “The trial has not been fair to victims.” Specifically, Kilima asserts that he has not been given the necessary facilitation by the International Crimes Division of the High Court in Uganda (ICD) to visit impacted areas, and gather opinions and testimony. A lack of funding has made it virtually impossible to share the voices and needs of those affected by war.

Kilima called passionately for grassroots programs and non-profit intervention to bring more attention to the trial, encourage community participation and protect the rights of all those involved. He said, it is crucial to, “keep it on people’s lips throughout.”

Meanwhile, Lady Justice Kiggundu claimed that the ICD in Uganda should provide proper facilitation for the Victims Counsel to properly consult with affected persons ahead of the bail application.

The Justice and Reconciliation Project will continue to share news and information about the trial as the story develops.

Goat Rearing Brings Economic Opportunities to Survivors of Conflict

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The sun in Lapono beat down fiercely. Little rain has come to region, so dust swirled in the air with hot wind.  Despite the heat, residents waited eagerly in the village center, talking and laughing with palpable excitement.

Following a long training on goat rearing earlier last month, Justice and Reconciliation Project staff returned to Lapono on Wednesday, October third. They presented thirty-eight goats to Women’s Advocacy Network group members there. The group was also given a cash box and fund, from which they can take small loans.

Distributing all thirty-eight goats was an exhilarating process. The animals were tried in a grassy field and labeled with numbers one through thirty-eight. Stubborn, they bleated and kicked at the ground. Residents were also assigned numbers and found the goats with corresponding digits. After picking their animals women cried out in ojili or jubilation and everyone posed for a picture.

Residents of Lapano pose for a group picture with thier new goats. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.
Residents of Lapano pose for a group picture with thier new goats. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Life in Lapono remains difficult, and the formerly abducted must surmount many obstacles. Stigma runs rampant. “Now people are trying to abuse us from the community. They are violating our rights to live in harmony,” a woman named Akello said. She has remained in Lapono for more than a decade; ever since she escaped the rebels. Furthermore, according to the Community Development Officer, Bena Sarah Ongom, domestic abuse, school dropouts and teenage pregnancy are also prevalent. Many women possess limited, if any, ownership over crucial resources.

Thus, the goats mark new opportunities. It is a signal of possibility. Now, the animals will aid in farming. As time passes, money raised from the goats can help send children to school, pay for medical bills, or be used to buy more nutritious food in the market place. “I know my life is going to change,” said Akello.  She continued, “I am going to take good care of [the goats] to ensure they grow up very well and help me in paying for my children to go to school. I didn’t get the chance to study so I need my children to study.” She is currently a mother of four.

Ideally, effect of the project will reach beyond WAN group members, and influence people throughout the area. “They can act like role models in the community, so that other people can adopt their standard of life and their standard of saving culture. The goats that they have been supported with can multiply, and eradicate household poverty,” Ongom said.

Goat deliveries were not limited to Lapono. JRP staff gave thirty-six goats to residents of Namokora, near the border with South Sudan. In the coming weeks, they will journey to Adjumani and Soroti. The program is made possible due to the generous support of the Welfare Fund.

A woman celebrates with her goat. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.
A woman celebrates with her goat. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

 

International Criminal Court Presents Community Screenings of the Ongwen Trial

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The trial of former LRA Commander Dominic Ongwen resumed on Tuesday, September 18, at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, with an opening statement from the defense. Miles and miles away, Ugandans gathered around televisions and hunched over radios, following each detail of the proceedings. Many attended screening events organized by the ICC itself. The court endeavored to make the trial accessible to those people whose lives were torn apart by conflict. The Justice and Reconciliation Project hosted one such screening in the organization offices at Koro-Pida.

Some one hundred participants arrived by bus from various locations. They crammed together on white, plastic chairs. Mothers brought small children, who sat in their laps or played on the floor. The screening was near silent. Attendees only spoke during the breaks, when they shared snacks and soda, or relaxed in a courtyard.

The ICC strove to create an open space, where the community could truly engage with the trial, however distant. Eric MP Odong, a field assistant, said, “We are here to execute the mandate of the registry of the court, and to serve the victim community.”

The screening at JRP was not the first of its kind nor was it the only event in the area. Another screening, this one at Gulu District Hall, was so packed that people spilled on to the ground outside. Engagement in the case is high. “We are responding to the interest and the demand of communities, who want to follow the trial,” said Jimmy Otim, another field assistant. In fact, the ICC has organized screening events since Ongwen’s trial began two years ago. Court representatives travel to areas with little electricity and bad roads in order to disseminate information.

Many of these locations were the sight of LRA attacks. Emotions run high and memories of war are fresh. “My better half of my life is the conflict,” said Otim. “That is why I studied conflict, to understand why people suffer.” His work is personal. Otim also vividly remembers trial screenings at which community members corroborated the information on screen, pointing to places where violence occurred. As a result, counselors and facilitators are always present.

community members watch the Dominic Ongwen defnese at the JRP offices in Koro-Pida. Photo credit, Sophia Neiman
Community members watch the Dominic Ongwen defnese at the JRP offices in Koro-Pida. Photo credit, Sophia Neiman.

Responses to these screenings have been overwhelmingly positive. According to Otim, “[The community] is happy that what happened to them is being heard in an independent court, they are happy that what happened to them is being recognized. They are happy that maybe, ultimately, they’ll get justice.”

Odong agrees. “I see justice being done,” he said. “The prosecution did its part and now it is the defense’s turn. I see justice by allowing different parties to express themselves.” Odong claims he will be satisfied regardless of the outcome. “The process of the trial will have cleansed the accused, even if he is set free,” he said.

The trial culminates a longer hunt for Ongwen and his fellow rebels. More than eleven years ago, the ICC issued a warrant for his arrest, along with warrants for Vincent Otti and enigmatic leader Joseph Kony.  In 2014, Ongwen was captured along the border between South Sudan and the Central African Republic, and turned over to the court. His is a painful saga, and one that contains the complex history of the conflict itself.

Ongwen was abducted by the LRA when he was nine years old. He was walking to primary school near Gulu. Like many other young boys, he was forced to watch and later commit heinous acts, and was brutally inducted into the army. Unlike many, however, Ongwen ascended the ranks. He reached the LRA control alter and came to command the notorious Sinia Brigade. This wing of the LRA attacked internally displaced person’s camps, specifically Abok, Odek, Lukodi and Pajule. Ongwen himself is charged with 70 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including abducting children to use as soldiers and sex slaves.

Thus, Ongwen can be cast as both victim and perpetrator; a man whose life was altered by the conflict, and a man who altered the lives of others. He is also the first and lowest ranking member of the LRA to be tried internationally. Kony is still at large. Otti is presumed dead.

Seeing such a man stand trial can be divisive and upsetting. Some want him in jail, punished for years of havoc, while others believe he was boy brainwashed, and so deserves amnesty. Many community members are former abductees themselves, and do not understand why they have been forgiven and Ongwen has not.

Andrew Simbo has worked in transitional justice in both Uganda and Sierra Leone. He is currently the executive director of Uganda Women’s Action Program. The organization helps to bring more women and children to the ICC screenings. He claims that communities have now become fully reintegrated, “Those who actually carried out the atrocities are in the communities now. They have been given amnesty. They are the boda boda riders; some are musicians. They are there. They have been integrated into the community,” He added, passionately, “people have moved on.” While UWAP remains a neutral body, Simbo asserts it can be difficult to explain the mere fact of Ongwen’s charges to community members.

Justin Ocan, a community representative from Lukodi, believes that the screenings themselves will lead to a better future. “We tell these populations that this is also a learning environment, because we need to learn this time, so that you transfer the knowledge you gained from this screening to your children, so that in the future they don’t engage themselves in such kinds of practices,” he said.

Regardless of what the court decides, or even of divided opinions, one thing is certain. Sharing information, and making that information accessible, is crucial. It brings people together. It binds them in knowledge and informed conversation. It cements community. Justice itself is a long and twisting process, and its outcomes can never be universally satisfying. Yet, Ocan puts it beautifully, if simply: “Justice is a collective effort to attain a peaceful life.”

As the trial continues, people of many different opinions, can come together and watch it unfold.

When the truth is bitter: the story of a mother who long awaited to be reunited with her son

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JRP and WAN meets with Ker Kal Kwero and family members to discuss the case. Photo by Joyce Abalo/JRP
JRP and WAN meets with Ker Kal Kwero and family members to discuss the case. Photo by Joyce Abalo/JRP

The story of Okello*

When the truth is bitter: the story of a mother who long awaited to be reunited with her son

Okello, the son of a well-known LRA commander, was born in captivity during the LRA conflict. When he managed to escape from captivity he was still very young and escaped with a group of other children born in captivity, leaving his mother behind. Whilst Okello sought refuge in Rachele rehabilitation centre, a team of NGO agencies attempted to search for his maternal and paternal family. The search ended in NGO agencies finding what they thought was the biological maternal family of Okello and handed the child over to them for them to care of him. What later transpired was that there had been confusion concerning the mothers name, as both the biological mother of Okello and the daughter of the family caring for Okello had both been called Nancy*. Therefore, like many other cases of children who returned from captivity, Okello was not being cared for by his true family.

Without knowing the true identity of the child, the family he was given to continued to raise him. At this time, Evelyn, leader of WAN and a member of the JRP team, knew Nancy, the biological mother, from her time in captivity and came to believe that Okello was being taken care of by a family other than his own. Evelyn explained: “when I met with Okello some years back while I was still for studying on an adult literacy course. Okello told me he missed his mother and brother Banya so much that when he started to think about them he could not study well.” That was when Evelyn took a step to see that Okello privately met the mother. In 2014, Evelyn arranged for Okello and Nancy, the perceived biological mother, to meet at the JRP office. It was noted by those attending that both the mother and child instantly knew that they were matched correctly, as Okello immediately asked his mother about his brother, Banya – something only the true son would have been able to say. However, despite this meeting, Evelyn did not know how to tell this news to the grandmother of the child, as she knew how devastating it would be.

A few years passed and in this period the grandmother of the family that had originally taken Okello in had passed on. This news came to the attention of the school when the term finished and Okello was left at the school with no one to pick him up. His schooling, and that of many of the father’s other children, at that time was being funded by a sponsor organisation and so this organisation took it upon themselves to email his sponsor, a Belgian citizen, to explain the problem. Due to difficulties in arranging adoption, the same sponsor asked the deputy head teacher of Gulu Public Primary School to care for Okello and provided her with the monetary means to do so. When this issue arose, Evelyn communicated with the sponsor organisation that she believed the mother had actually returned from captivity and did not belong to the family who originally took care of Okello. Nancy, the friend of Evelyn who she believed was the real mother, was not sure whether Okello was alive or not.

When JRP and WAN came to hear of the worsening situation for Okello, they mobilised various important people involved in this situation for two dialogues to discuss and attempt to resolve this issue. The first meeting, chaired by JRP and WAN, brought together the prime minister of Acholi Ker kal Kwaro (a local cultural institution), Nancy Abalo (the lady claiming she was Okello’s mother), the benefactor that was supporting Okello in school and the elderly woman who claimed Okello was a grandchild of the family. During the meeting, the prime minister of Ker Kal Kwero asked Nancy Abalo to present the reasons as to why she claims that Okello is her son.  With tears rolling from her eyes she said:

‘‘first of all, I did not die, I am alive. When the government soldiers attacked, I had already left that area, but my son was with another group that escaped and returned back home. My son, while in captivity, developed a disease that affected all the finger nails, and all were wounded. The finger nails grew back apart from one fingernail that did not grow back well, and that is a sign that I can use to identify my son. Besides, he knows his brother because by the time my son had been separated from me, his younger brother called Banya was already around and he loved him so much.’’

A member of the sponsor organisation said that in the process of seeking for the truth about Okello’s true mother, the Belgian sponsor had organised for a DNA test to be taken for both Okello and the mother. The member said: ‘‘I am pleased to inform that I have the copy of the DNA results which I shall hand over to the prime minister of Ker Kal Kwaro. These results stated clearly that Nancy Abalo is the biological mother of Okello – there is no doubt about it.”

Before the DNA test results were released, the member of Sponsor Children Uganda explained that at first, they thought that Nancy was not the biological mother of Okello. This was believed because the women who were close to Okello’s mother while in captivity said that Nancy had been killed by a bomb that had been thrown by the government soldiers, who even covered her body, confirming that she was dead.

A beautiful moment happened when one of the women claiming that Okello was not a son to Nancy arrived. She arrived just as the DNA results were being presented to the prime minister. On seeing that Nancy was alive she was completely shocked and asked, “where have you been that I could not see you?” She was overwhelmed with guilt and asked for forgiveness from Okello’s mother: “I am sorry for all that I said. I thought you had passed on. But now that you are here and alive, it is better for Okello that he lives with his biological mother, so that a bond may be built between them and they may feel the love each other missed.” The prime minister then resolved that a step needed to be taken so that Okello is given to his biological mother. The mother was full of joy and proclaimed, “I will carry my son on my back however old he is and give him all the love a mother can give her child.”

The second meeting held by JRP and WAN to discuss the issue further brought together members of both the paternal and maternal side of Okello, the family claiming to be related to Okello, the deputy head teacher of Gulu Public primary school and the Prime Minister of Ker Kal Kwero. In addressing the group, the prime minster said: “In Acholi culture it is not allowed for a different person to force and claim custody of a blood which is not theirs. Therefore, the reason the meeting was held was to ensure that Okello gets to know who his biological mother is and where he can finally call home.”

Once the Prime Minister confirmed that the DNA test showed the 99.99% likelihood of Nancy Abalo being the biological mother of Okello, Okot* a member from the family claiming Okello, narrated how he got to know Okello. He said:

“Okello is my nephew, a son to my sister Aciro Nancy* who was abducted from Koch Amar in 1988 and to this date has not returned. In 2004, I was approached by a team of members from Rachele rehabilitation Centre who came to my carpentry work place and told me of a child called Okello a son to Nancy. They said that I should take over the responsibility for caring for Okello. I took the news positively and spoke to my late mother. Together we organized various cultural procedures like ‘Nyono tong gweno’ (stepping on an egg before entering the home) and Okello was welcomed home.”

Despite the DNA test results, Okot went ahead and asked Nancy Abalo the name of her clan and its location, saying that she probably changed her name whilst in captivity. Despite this allegation, Nancy’s mother was present to prove that Nancy Abalo was not related to Okot – something that was clear just based on resemblance. Nancy’s mother said: “Nancy Abalo is my daughter and the name Nancy Abalo was given by me. She was abducted but returned. When she returned, I found her with two children, but she told me that her other son went missing. I am happy that her missing son is what we are discussing today because for so long she has been craving to meet him again.”

A paternal uncle to Okello explained, “my brother was abducted and at one point passed via home and said he had wives and children. I told him to return home with the wives and children so that he could start taking care of them, but he said his mission was not done yet. Therefore, I acknowledge that my brother has children, although some we don’t know their whereabouts. Okello is one of them and I believe the DNA test result. Although it is my first time to meet Nancy Abalo, I believe wholeheartedly that Okello belongs to her. A mother knows who her child is and who the father is.”

The uncle showed sincere sorrow and pain for the mistreatment of the children of his brother. He elaborated this by explaining how one of his brother’s children, whose mother comes from Pabbo, walked on foot to the paternal home due to mistreatment. He said, “we had to flee away from Patiko due to continuous attack by the government soldiers for where our brother was. My mother was severely beaten by the government soldiers because of my brother.” As he recounted the story he broke down in tears. He noted that, “it will be very important if these children are allowed to know their paternal family members, even if they are not able to stay with us due to financial difficulties. Unfortunately, we cannot take care of them all. However, we ask that those in scholarships will continue to be supported.” Later in the meeting, the paternal grandmother to Okello said, “I am happy to hear that I have grandchildren and I wish to see them while I am still alive. Even though my son is dead, I am happy that I can see his image through his children.”

The prime minster later explained that the Acholi Ker Kal Kwaro is not a court place to pronounce judgments. Instead, it listens to the situation of the people and helps bring forward resolutions to matters. The suggestions given by the Acholi Ker Kal Kwaro were as follows:

  • Nancy the mother to Okello has full rights to know, see, and talk to the child
  • As per Acholi culture, it is the role of the paternal side of Okello to care for the children
  • Unity is needed since Okello has a bond with both his biological parents and the families that took care of him
  • Plans to organise Okello and the other brothers to be taken home to both the maternal and paternal side

Therefore, it was resolved that everyone present would go and meet Okello at the home of the deputy head teacher. When the trip took place, Okello was told who his biological mother and paternal family were. To the dismay of many, Okello did not accept Nancy as his biological mother, saying, “I don’t know any Nancy Abalo, I only know Aciro Nancy, and my uncle Okot.” This caused Nancy Abalo a lot of pain and she broke down in tears. She later said to Evelyn, “my child has been brain washed.” When she had previously met Okello, he had been happy to meet her. She was consoled by Evelyn and was encouraged to never to give up. For Nancy Abalo, this day was full of mixed emotions: sadness after not being accepted by her son, but also happiness and joy after as she was able to see her son again after such a long time. Therefore, despite the fact that Nancy was denied by her son, she promised to always come and see him with his brothers, since they will also be enrolled under the same sponsorship that Okello is benefiting from.

The case of Okello highlights the many complexities of the LRA conflict. Nearly every family was impacted heavily by the conflict and in trying to deal with the consequences it can be extremely difficult. It is not rare that children who returned from captivity were reunited with a family other than their biological family, and in some cases, children were even taken in to be used as workers or housemaids. Therefore, WAN and JRP, with the help of cultural institutions, seeks to aid in reintegrating children born in captivity with their biological family, so a sense of identity and belonging may be reinstated and for the wellbeing of the child to be a focus for all involved.

*The names of those involved have been changed so that their identity may be preserved

Building a future together: two families joining hands to change the lives of those who experienced LRA captivity

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Maternal and paternal family of child born from captivity laugh and share stories together. Photo by Patrick Odong/JRP
Maternal and paternal family of child born from captivity laugh and share stories together. Photo by Patrick Odong/JRP

The maternal and paternal family of a child born from captivity have joined hands to brighten their futures together through the child reintegration programme. 

In 2016, JRP and WAN supported one mother through the child reintegration project, in which her child who was born in captivity was reunited with their paternal home. After being contacted by the mother to express her gratitude for the team and the project, JRP conducted a follow-up visit with the mother to the paternal family in Palaro parish, Odek sub-county, to see how the families were working together.

The happiness and love shown by the two families for each other was greatly reflected in the stories told. The mother told JRP how the families had combined their efforts and resources to support the child at school and ensure the child has a bright future. The paternal family has not only given the mother a plot of their ancestral land to plough, but has identified a strategic piece of their land in the centre of Odek for the mother to build a business. By generously giving land and helping her to build a business and home in Odek, they ensure that she is close to the child and the family. The paternal family opened their arms to her other children and proclaimed that together they will join hands together to build a strong future for her and her children.

This story sheds light on how families across war-torn communities are supporting each other in life after the LRA conflict. Often those who return from captivity are faced with stigmatisation and rejection from their local communities. By providing a platform for these families to engage in dialogue and discussion over their experiences, hopes and interests for those children born in captivity, JRP hopes to bring light to the lives of many conflict survivors.

 
Mapping Regional Reconciliation in Northern Uganda: A Case Study of the Acholi and Lango Sub-Regions

Mapping Regional Reconciliation in Northern Uganda: A Case Study of the Acholi and Lango Sub-Regions

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Mapping Regional Reconciliation in Northern Uganda: A Case Study of the Acholi and Lango Sub-Regions
Mapping Regional Reconciliation in Northern Uganda: A Case Study of the Acholi and Lango Sub-Regions

 

Led by Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP), with funding support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Supporting Access to Justice, Fostering Equity and Peace (SAFE) programme, this report, titled Mapping Regional  Reconciliation in Northern Uganda: A Case Study of the Acholi and Lango Sub-Regions, examines key conflict drivers at the sub-regional and community levels in the Acholi and Lango sub-regions, specifically, and northern Uganda more broadly, and identifies effective mechanisms for constructive social change processes towards regional reconciliation. It is a significant step towards comprehensively identifying and analysing obstacles to positive peace and reconciliation in the region to ensure that post-war recovery, reconciliation and development interventions are conflict-sensitive and aligned with the social, political and economic needs of the communities.

The report also identifies strategic and effective mechanisms to foster regional reconciliation in ways that value embedded local capacities, narratives and forms of agency in the communities. The report concludes by highlighting recommendations directed to key actors across the horizontal and vertical axis of the society, eliciting a multi-stakeholder approach to engendering sustainable structures of lasting peace and reconciliation in the Acholi and Lango sub-regions.

Download this report here: Mapping Regional Reconciliation in Northern Uganda (pdf)

How important is regional reconciliation for Acholi and Lango?

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Conducting a survey on regional reconciliation in Lukodi, 17 April 2015. JRP.
Conducting a survey on regional reconciliation in Lukodi, 17 April 2015. JRP.

In April, JRP’s Community Mobilisation team conducted an opinion survey to assess the need for regional reconciliation in seven different communities in Acholi and Lango. With support from USAID-SAFE, the survey is part of a wider project JRP is implementing that deals with ensuring effective reconciliation between different communities in northern Uganda following conflict.

The survey was conducted to seek an understanding of the gaps that exist in securing reconciliation, to assess community perceptions on the need for reconciliation, and to identify mechanisms that could be adopted to foster reconciliation within these communities and across ethnic groups of northern Uganda.

This survey was conducted with 207 people in seven locations of Acholi and Lango Sub-regions – Atiak, Lukodi, Burcoro, Odek, Parabongo, Barlonyo and Abia – between 15 and 29 April 2015. Respondents of the survey were victims and survivors of war, members of peace committees, religious and traditional Leaders, members of the community and local government leaders.

During the survey, we observed growing bitterness among the communities. Many people in Lango, for instance, blame communities in Acholi for their suffering, which we identified as a possible conflict trigger. The survey also helped us realise that there are still many people that need medical help to deal with remains of bullets and other injuries to their bodies from the violence that occurred during the war. Although this was not part of the survey sought to find out, the participants freely shared with us the effect of the war on their lives. During the survey, we also realised that many in these communities still have their relatives or loved ones missing as a result of the war.

We identified that there is need to carry out a well-organised process of reconciliation in the two regions through dialogues and frequent exchange visits by the Langi to Acholi since the Langi are very bitter towards the Acholi for the suffering they went through. There is also need to look towards other regions if possible since the conflict affected the whole of northern Uganda.

Look out for the results of this survey in JRP’s forthcoming UG Reconciliation Barometer.

2011 Annual Report

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This annual report outlines JRP’s accomplishments over the past year and highlights our commitments to bringing grassroots communities together to galvanise efforts for justice and human rights. It outlines key activities from the Community Documentation, Community Mobilization, Gender Justice and Communications departments and is a selection and general overview of our outputs and accomplishments in 2011.

To download the report, click here.

“More on Kony 2012,” The Daily What, 12 March 2012

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“More on Kony 2012,” The Daily What, 12 March 2012
http://thedailywh.at/2012/03/12/more-on-kony-2012/

JRP is referenced twice in this opinion piece on “Kony 2012” — “… in an effort to perpetuate “myths” about Kony…” and “…are desperately trying — peacefully, through reconciliation – to move away…”

Author Unknown

More On Kony 2012: If this past week has taught us anything, it’s that people love — love — being aware of things. More than that, they love telling other people that they are aware of things. Most of all, however, people are absolutely, unconditionally, head over heels in lifelong love with other people liking the fact that they are aware of things.

But why do people love being aware of things as much as they do? In a 2008 blog post, Stuff White People Like attempted to get to the core of the Western world’s  codependent relationship with awareness. By raising awareness, wrote Christian Lander, ”you get all the benefits of helping (self satisfaction, telling other people), but no need for difficult decisions or the ensuing criticism (how do you criticize awareness?).”

Of course, what makes awareness so alluring is precisely what makes it so pointless: It doesn’t — in and of itself — actually accomplish anything.

Awareness, beyond argument, is the first step towards fixing a problem. But, invariably, that shared endorphin boost people experience when banding together to rally around awareness for a cause wears off, and all that’s left is a bunch of people with no answers looking around for someone — anyone — to take the next step.

And then someone does. And we pat them on the back for their willingness to put in the elbow grease and leg work necessary to actually get something done. And we happily sign their petitions or open our wallets to them: After all, it’s the least we can do to help this selfless do-gooder advance our cause beyond awareness. And we send them on their way, content in the thought that, if we couldn’t spare the time, at least we could spare a few dollars and a signature.

But what if that person, or that organization, we just bankrolled doesn’t understand the problem or what needs to be done about it? What if, instead of helping, their actions end up hurting not only the people they claim to want to help, but also the people who are actually helping? And, perhaps most importantly, what if the people supposedly being helped don’t want help? Should it still be foisted upon them against their will?

Take KONY 2012 for example.

 

A lot has been said over the last several days about Invisible Children‘s ultra-viral awareness campaign that targets infamous central African warlord Joseph Kony, and his 26-year-old rebel militia, the Lord’s Resistance Army.

IC’s finances have been called into question; their “emotional  porn” approach toward awareness solicitation has been criticised as a “fund-raising stunt” which employs “blatant dishonesty” in an effort to perpetuate “myths” about Kony thereby achieving their stated goal of direct military intervention; the group’s leadership troika — seen above posing in 2008 with members of the then-child-soldier-recruiting Sudan People’s Liberation Army – has been referred to as self-promoting colonialists by the AP photographer who snapped the shot. But, through all the op-eds and the think pieces and the public polls, the only ­opinions worth heeding have remained largely invisible: Those of the people who are actually from there.

“[Invisible Children] are not known as a peace building organization and I do not think they have experience with peace building and conflict resolution methods,” wrote Anywar Ricky Richard, the director of the northern Ugandan organization Friends of Orphans, and a man who knows first-hand the horrors of the Lord’s Resistance Army, having been a former child soldier in its service. “I totally disagree with their approach of military action as a means to end this conflict.”

Ugandan-born activist TMS Ruge, co-founder of Project Diaspora, agrees wholeheartedly with Richard. Of KONY 2012 he says: “It is a slap in the face to so many of us who want to rise from the ashes of our tumultuous past and the noose of benevolent, paternalistic, aid-driven development memes.”

Indeed, in the rush to condescend to the central Africans who are “just not working hard enough” to get rid of Kony and his ilk and finally start improving their quality of life, what many overlook (or willfully ignore) is the already-visible progress that has been made thanks to the hard-earned grassroots efforts of central Africans themselves.

“Uganda was voted by Lonely Planet amongst the top destinations for 2012 but has this NGO just undone the potential for Uganda’s tourism?” asks Ida Horner, a Ugandan expat who remembers well a much harsher life under Idi Amin. “After all the tourism industry provides a real opportunity for Ugandans to work their way out of poverty through providing services that tourists want to consume.”

Nigerian-American novelist Teju Cole takes it a step further and slams what he calls the “White Savior Industrial Complex,” which cares little for the end, so long as it gets satisfaction from the means. “The white savior supports brutal policies in the morning, founds charities in the afternoon, and receives awards in the evening,” says Cole. “The White Savior Industrial Complex is not about justice. It is about having a big emotional experience that validates privilege.”

And all this before we’ve even touched on the dark heart of the matter: Joseph Kony.

Kony is, without a doubt, a despicable human being. His 25-year reign of terror has resulted in hundreds of deaths, thousands of abductions, and hundreds of thousands of displacements. But to suggest that Kony is anywhere near worthy of cheap, throwaway comparisons to such historical horror-mongers as Hitler is not only irresponsible, it might actually be what Kony wants.

IC’s video appears to suggest that Kony is currently in possession of over 30,000 child soldiers. According to the UN’s latest report, the LRA has “less than 500 combatants,” and was “dislodged” by Ugandan security forces in 2002 — meaning they are no longer there, and are unlikely to return.

Kony and the LRA are now but a horrible memory to many in northern Uganda who don’t need an Internet campaign to make Kony popular. They know all-too-well who he is and what he was once capable of, and are desperately trying — peacefully, through reconciliation – to move away from the shadows of their traumatic past.

“Now we have peace, people are back in their homes,” says Dr. Beatrice Mpora, who runs a community health organization in the rebels’ former northern Uganda stomping ground of Gulu. “They are planting their fields, they are starting their businesses. That is what people should help us with.”

That is not to say that Kony is entirely done away with; he is still able to menace remote areas in neighboring countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic — his last known hideout. But rather than an ascending fuhrer, Kony is an aging monster, thrashing about blindly in hopes of remaining relevant for a little while longer.

Sadly, it seems IC’s KONY 2012 campaign may end up doing exactly what it aims to do: Provide a spent villain with a second wind of infamy.

“Most madmen love the idea of fame,” says Marc DuBois of Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders), “so Joseph Kony’s wet dream just came true.” By focusing all available attention on a bygone bogeyman whose days are numbered, the IC may be unwittingly rejuvenating the perception of Kony as an intimidating and influential force with a wider reach than his true resources allow.

“Making Kony ‘famous’ could make him stronger,” says well-respected Ugandan blogger Javie Ssozi. And that strength puts a lot of people in danger, including both locals and aid workers such as DuBois and colleague Avril Benoît. “MSF teams in LRA-affected regions of DR Congo, Central African Republic & South Sudan are likely wary of retaliation risks,” said Benoît.

IC, with its support for direct military intervention in Uganda, may not care that Uganda’s own government considers it “totally misleading to suggest that the war is still in Uganda,” but Kony does. To him, KONY 2012 represents a rebirth — a chance to restore a stifling grip that has been slipping for years.

So say KONY 2012 succeeds. America plants even more bootprints on the ground, smokes Kony out of his cave, and turns him over to the International Criminal Court. A job well done and stogies all around. Now there’s just the small matter of the fact that nothing has actually changed, because KONY 2012 doesn’t do a lick to address any of the big-picture problems currently facing central Africa.

All it has succeeded in doing is propping up Uganda’s war-crimes-perpetrating military and its brutal, corrupt, human-rights-abusing dictatorship, and strengthening the alliance of four-term-president Yoweri Museveni with his US counterpart at a time when a foothold in Uganda would be extremely advantageous to American oil interests.

Meanwhile, actual problems in need of actual solutions are being rendered inaudible by the beating of war drums.

Gulu, the Ugandan town ravaged by the LRA in a previous life is now home to the highest numbers of child prostitutes in Uganda, according to Ugandan journalist Angelo Izama. It also has unacceptably high rates of HIV/AIDS and hepatitis, even when compared to the rest of Africa. And the real bane of Ugandan children — the mysterious “Nodding Disease,” which has killed scores and debilitated hundreds — is no closer to a cure.

“Last year I went to Gulu, Uganda, where Invisible Children is based, and interviewed over 50 locals,” writes Columbia University student Amber Ha in an open letter to IC’s Jason Russell. “Every single person questioned Invisible Children’s legitimacy and intention.”

Adam Branch, a human rights advocate who has worked for years in northern Uganda, elaborates on what precisely has given so many people in the area pause:

The warmongering, the self-indulgence, the commercialization, the reductive and one-sided story they tell, their portrayal of Africans as helpless children in need of rescue by white Americans, and the fact that civilians in Uganda and central Africa may have to pay a steep price in their own lives so that a lot of young Americans can feel good about themselves, and a few can make good money.

By now it should be abundantly clear that KONY 2012 doesn’t offer a single enduring solution to any of the problems it pretends to want to fix. At the very least, it makes things worse. At the very most, it makes things much worse.

But beyond the reasons why lies a simple truth: Lasting change — the kind that makes people’s lives truly better — doesn’t come from awareness, or even from doing something: It comes from doing what needs to be done. And knowing what that is requires paying attention, listening to the victims, and understanding the whole story.

You’ll notice that I haven’t once mentioned money. There is plenty to say about IC’s accountability and transparency (or lack thereof) and the way it goes about spending the piles of cash it is making off KONY 2012 — and piles of cash are definitely being made considering the ubiquitous ”sold out” heraldic standards that popped up almost instantaneously next to the all-important “awareness swag” IC is hawking in conjunction with the video campaign — but that discussion is mostly moot.

IC is not a charity in the true sense of the word. It is a private interest group that allocates the overwhelming majority of its budget (nearly 70% in 2011) toward travel, compensation, administration, fundraising, making movies, and lobbying celebrities and congress [pdf] to support its central aim: Direct foreign military intervention in Africa.

Whether or not that is what IC should be spending its money on is a question best left to IC. The real question that you should be asking yourself is whether or not that is what you should be spending your money on.

It should be well-evident by now that KONY 2012 is a poorly thought-out and oversimplified campaign with shortsighted objectives that are detrimental to every relevant cause except making money. More than that, it is a campaign that is unwelcome by local civilians, politicians, experts, and humanitarian aid workers.

Asked about the video’s glossing over major aspects of regional history and culture, IC co-founder, and the star of KONY 2012, Jason Russell told the New York Times, “No one wants a boring documentary on Africa. Maybe we have to make it pop, and we have to make it cool. We view ourself as the Pixar of human rights stories.”

That’s great, except Africa is not a feel-good animated feature for the whole family. It is a real place with real people who would suffer real consequences if KONY 2012 succeeded in convincing well-meaning individuals that all it needs for a happy ending is to catch the “bad guy” with the help of American soldiers.

Africans deserve better than to be treated like two-dimensional Wacom sketches by a group of sensationalist jet-setters who — by their own admission — oversimplify the issues to sell their cause (and their bracelets). The people of Africa — nay, the people of everywhere — deserve real, long-lasting solutions; not quick-fix half-remedies that look good on Facebook.

There are plenty of ways to help without trampling all over self-determination. There are good, honest, transparent not-for-profits based in Africa that have been working for years to promote self-sufficiency through education, health services, rehabilitation, democracy-building initiatives, and myriad other programs that have resulted in empowering change. These organizations help the people help themselves without condescension or remote imperatives.

But don’t take my word for it: Do the research. Find a cause you support and make sure it is what it says it is, and, more importantly, that it helps the people it claims to help. Invisible Children and KONY 2012 do not meet that criterion, and for that reason, above all other reasons presented here and elsewhere, it should not be allowed to speak on their behalf.