Opinion on the Capture of LRA leader Caesar Acellam, NTV, 15 May 2012
Transcript not available at this time.
Opinion on the Capture of LRA leader Caesar Acellam, NTV, 15 May 2012
Transcript not available at this time.
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Thanks to our new Communications Intern, Jimmy Oringa, we are going through footage taken in the last 10 months and editing it for our website and YouTube account. The latest upload is from the Abia community theatre performance on September 28, 2011.
On that date, the Abia Children for Peace, Restoration and Reconciliation Club at Abia Primary School presented a community theatre performance on the 2004 Abia massacre and its impact on children and youth. The drama’s theme and script were entirely drafted by the actors. You can view the video above or by visiting http://justiceandreconciliation.com/2012/05/jrp-abia-community-theatre-performance-28sept2011/.
In the next 2 weeks we hope to upload an advocacy video from a February victims’ exchange and footage from the community theater performance in Yumbe last year.
Also, we are still seeking a Documentary Filmmaker to volunteer with us and work on a video documentation. You can learn more at http://justiceandreconciliation.com/about/jobs-internships/ or by emailing info@justiceandreconciliation.com.
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On September 28, 2011, the Abia Children for Peace, Restoration and Reconciliation Club at Abia Primary School presented a community theatre performance on the 2004 Abia massacre and its impact on children and youth. This performance was supported by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) under the Community Mobilization department’s theatre programme, which aims to empower conflict-affected persons and groups to use theatre as a medium for generating community discussions on seeking justice and reconciliation after conflict. The drama’s theme and script were entirely drafted by the actors.
©Justice and Reconciliation Project 2012
Click here to view the full issue.
JRP is pleased to announce the release of its latest quarterly publication, Voices magazine. Our mission is to empower conflict-affected communities to participate in processes of justice, healing and reconciliation, and this magazine aspires to do just that. By providing a regular, open platform for victims and key stakeholders to dialogue on local and national transitional justice developments, we will be “sharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda” each quarter.
The theme of this first issue is amnesty. With Uganda’s Amnesty Act up for expiration, renewal or renewal with amendments on 24 May, we have sought to present the views of the war-affected communities where we operate. In this issue, key stakeholders like Michael Otim of the International Center for Transitional Justice (pg 13), Ismene Nicole Zarifis, International Technical Advisor on TJ for JLOS (pg 6,) and members of the JRP team address the important question: What should be the future of Uganda’s Amnesty Act? Like all of our work, we hope this collection of views contributes to the policy-making process currently taking place in Kampala, and links the grassroots with the decision-makers.
We hope to hear from you on what you think of this first issue. To share your comments, please write to info@justiceandreconciliation.com or SMS +256(0)783300103. Your comments might just appear in the next edition!
We also welcome article submissions of no more than 1,500 words for future issues. The next issue will focus on reparations for victims of conflict.
Click here to view the full issue.
Note: If printing on a B&W printer, we recommend you print this grayscaled version.
As part of our objective to preserve memory of conflict-affected communities through documentation, JRP’s Community Documentation department has produced video coverage of the 17th annual Attiak massacre memorial prayers, which took place on April 20th. The footage has been divided into two parts, with both available below, here and on our YouTube page: JRPUganda.
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The prayers were attended by the President of Uganda, H.E. Yoweri Museveni, and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Hon. Jacob Oulanyah. Immediately following a performance by the Attiak Massacre Survivors Association, President Museveni delivered 400,000 Ugandan shillings in cash to the association. During his speech, he further pledged 50 million Ugandan shillings ($20,000 USD) to the group.
While we welcome this acknowledgment of need for the victims in Attiak, the President’s actions further demonstrate the urgency for a comprehensive, transparent reparations policy and programme for all victims of conflict in Uganda. For more information on our recommendations for reparations, please see our policy brief, “Pay Us so We Can Forget: Reparations for Victims and Affected Communities in Northern Uganda.”
For more information on the 1995 Attiak massacre, please see our field note, Remembering the Atiak Massacre.
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Part 1 of footage of the 17th annual Attiak Massacre Memorial Prayers in Attiak, northern Uganda on April 20, 2012. Filmed by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP).
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Part 2 of footage of the 17th annual Attiak Massacre Memorial Prayers in Attiak, northern Uganda on April 20, 2012. Filmed by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP).
“Where to With Transitional Justice in Uganda? The Situation After the Extension of the Amnesty Act,” Justice in Conflict blog, 22 April 2012
http://justiceinconflict.org/2012/04/22/where-to-with-transitional-justice-in-uganda-the-situation-after-the-extension-of-the-amnesty-act/
By Patrick Wegner
Regular readers of this blog are aware that Uganda has both an amnesty law in force since 2000 as well as an International Crimes Division (ICD) at the High Court which is able to try crimes, including war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
The 2000 Amnesty Act is broad, essentially granting ‘blanket amnesty’ for all crimes committed during rebellion if the reporter agrees to renounce armed struggle. Despite the Amnesty Act being in force, the Department of the Public Prosecutor (DPP) in Uganda charged a mid-level commander of the LRA, Thomas Kwoyelo, with crimes against humanity under the Geneva Convention. JiC has reported extensively about the trial in the past, you find all the articles here. Despite several court rulings that Kwoyelo has a legal right to receive amnesty and should be set free, the DPP argued that amnesty is not applicable for crimes against humanity. In violation of these court rulings and due process, Kwoyelo remains in jail at Luzira Prison, Kampala.
The Government of Uganda (GoU) has not taken a clear position concerning the Kwoyelo case and the clash between the blanket amnesty and the existence of a Court Division able to try international crimes. Therefore the upcoming review of the Amnesty Act in May 2012 has been anticipated with uncertainty and curiosity by observers. Will the GoU move away from the past amnesty approach and give in to the DPP that had stated it wanted to bring more charges against former LRA rebels? Or would it uphold the amnesty approach followed since 2000?
Now the Deputy Speaker of the Ugandan Parliament, Jacob Oulanyah, announced on Saturday 14th of April in Gulu that the extension of the Amnesty Act for two years is a done deal and that the law just waits being gazetted. (Thanks to Sharon Nakandha from Avocats sans Frontières Uganda for forwarding the article). This has some important implications for the way forward in transitional justice in Uganda.
It is important to acknowledge that the Amnesty Act was passed with strong civil society pressure from northern Uganda. Many northern Acholi see the LRA rebels as their abducted children and want them to lay down arms and return home. According to asurvey conducted by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) in December 2011 98 per-cent of the northern population believe that the amnesty is still relevant and should not be abolished. Abolishing the amnesty would thus go against the wishes of the formerly war affected population in northern Uganda. President Museveni has no reason to alienate his northern constituency (he received a majority in northern Uganda for the first time in the 2011 elections) by attacking a law that many see as very useful.
According to recent figures from the JRP survey, 22,520 rebels have taken amnesty so far – 48 per-cent of them LRA members. Abolishing the amnesty law now would not have revoked those amnesties but, in the context of the ongoing detention of Thomas Kwoyelo, it would surely have stirred fears among LRA returnees. In my interviews with LRA officers in northern Uganda their fears of being tried years after they returned from the bush, be it by the ICC or the ICD, was very tangible. The fact that the amnesty was prolonged is also important for the military efforts to combat the LRA in the DRC, Central African Republic and South Sudan as it ensures that the formerly abducted fighters have a way out. The Amnesty Act can thus contribute to weaken the LRA by luring out fighters from the ‘bush’.
Yet, the fact that the Amnesty Act will apparently simply be prolonged without any changes also means that Uganda’s national concept for transitional justice remains incoherent and contradictory. Uganda has a blanket amnesty in place that covers any and all crimes, a notion that is on the retreat in international law. Many would indeed even argue that a blanket amnesty is not acceptable in international law: The Inter-American Court for Human Rights ruled so famously in its Barrios Altos case and the UN has instructed its envoys to not endorse blanket amnesties in peace negotiations. Yet, under Uganda’s Amnesty Act even Joseph Kony himself would have a right to receive amnesty.
At the same time, Uganda created a Division that is capable of trying these crimes but will not be able to do so as long as the amnesty remains in place in its current form. The GoU could have solved this problem and brought the Amnesty Act into line with international standards.
According to the Amnesty Act the Parliament of Uganda has the power to revoke the amnesty for individuals on request of the Minister of Defence. It would thus be theoretically possible to revoke the amnesty for the LRA Commanders most responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Museveni had threatened several times to exclude the LRA commanders from amnesty only to then publicly ask Kony and his Commanders to accept the amnesty offer of the government. The Ugandan High Court even explicitly ruled in October 2005 that amnesty remains available for the LRA commanders. These inconsistencies may re-emerge in the future as the GoU once again failed to clarify its stance. If Joseph Kony was arrested tomorrow, the GoU would be caught between its constitution and the amnesty law on the one side, and its international legal obligations to surrender Joseph Kony and his key commanders to the ICC on the other side.
It is also strange that the GoU apparently did not wait for a report of the Transitional Justice Working Group of the Justice Law and Order Sector (JLOS) of the Government in which JLOS would have published its results of conducting surveys about the amnesty and traditional justice in all of Uganda. The Transitional Justice Working Group is charged with developing a coherent concept for transitional justice in Uganda, presumably providing for a comprehensive approach including amnesty, traditional justice, a truth commission and trials. The JLOS plans are impressive on the paper and could provide a blueprint for transitional justice concepts in post-conflict areas (see here for details).
Why did the decision makers not wait for this valuable feedback before deciding whether and how to prolong the Amnesty Act? One can only hope that the final suggestions of the Transitional Justice Working Group will be taken more seriously for the sake of a coherent and comprehensive approach towards transitional justice in Uganda.
“Ex-LRA abductees struggle to survive,” Daily Monitor, 7 April 2012
http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/-/688342/1381202/-/item/0/-/nrtagaz/-/index.html
By Moses Akena
Eighteen years ago in an afternoon of May 1994, the then 10-year-old Evelyn Amony’s innocence and education was robbed off her after she was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels from her way home after classes at Atiak Pupwonya Primary School in Atiak Sub-county, Amuru District.
Now 28, Amony, who was in Primary Four when she was abducted, was taken with three children below 12 years old as was preferred by the rebels. She says she was immediately taken to Kilak hills (Kony’s base then) where she baby sat most of his children, including two she identified as Salim and Ali.
However, her group later left for Palutaka in Sudan in October of that year where she stayed at the home of the LRA leader, whom she said guarded her jealously. “While in Uganda, he used to tell me that he will not let any man touch me vowing to get for me a good man at the right time to marry,” she reminiscences.
Ironically, one day in 1997, it did not occur to her that he (Kony) was the ‘good man’.
Amony, who at the time was 15 years old, says she vehemently resisted advances by Kony because he was her father’s age mate.
What astonished her, Amony recalls, is the rebel leader telling her that she should blame her mother for bearing her with her beauty and for her being hardworking and tidy.
“I tried escaping that night from the camp but I couldn’t go far because the place is mountainous and I didn’t know that I was rotating within the same place,” she says.
Tried to escape
After spending the night in the bush, an LRA patrol team arrested her the next day and took her back to the camp. Here, she met and narrated her ordeal to the senior LRA commanders then; Otti Lagony and Vincent Otti. This could not stop the mandatory punishment of 50 strokes of the cane that such a case attracted.
“He (Kony) told them that he is the final man and immediately ordered me to go and prepare tea despite feeling pain on my buttocks from the beating,” she says. Amony later conceived and bore three children for Kony before her eventual escape in August 2005.
Now eight years after her return, Ms Amony bears no hallmark of the grandeur she anticipated.
Squeezed in a grass-thatched mud and wattle hut in Kirombe, a Gulu Municipality suburb, Amony, who has also married a former abductee, is struggling to take care of the three children and two others that she adopted.
“I have a challenge taking care of the three children because I don’t know their clan though I hear their father comes from Odek Sub-county,” the LRA victim adds.
Luckily, two of her eldest children (all girls) are being taken care of by their paternal uncle and are studying in a Kampala primary school .
Aryemo’s case
Amony’s dilemma is shared by 27-year-old Grace Aryemo, a mother of three, who shares a small grass- thatched hut with her three children in Laroo, three kilometres out of Gulu Town near Gulu University.
Rejected by her family in Lacekocot in Pader District and castigated together with her children by her aunt whom she was staying with for being an “evil person,” she found solace in crushing rocks at a stone quarry near her home.
Once in a while, she manages to crush a container of about 100kgs of which she gets about Shs2,000 a day. However, she says she has hardly got any money in the last one month, adding with a melancholic tone of how she and her children occasionally forgo food when there is no money.
For Amony, a trip back home to Atiak presents chilling memories because people in the area blame her group for the April 1995 incident in which more than 300 people were massacred by the LRA.
She says at worst, she only spends two days at home because it is only her father who is fond of her. She cannot dare ask her brothers for share of the family land.
Amony says the hostility extended to the children who are labeled ‘bush children’ might bring a similar problem in future.
Their concern is shared by hundreds of women, who at a tender age, were among more than 100,000 children abducted, coerced, and for the case of the girls, impregnated by senior LRA commanders.
Hundreds of children are believed to be in captivity of the LRA, most of them as child soldiers. The women, through their umbrella association, Women’s Advocacy Network, last week held a meeting in Gulu Town organised by several NGOs in the region.
They cited, in a memorandum read by Grace Acan, who was abducted from St. Mary’s College, Aboke, in 1996, denial of land and other property to them, stigma, and refusal to ask for forgiveness by their husbands, financial difficulty and favouritism of the male returnees as reasons for their concern.
They also say their family members and those of their husbands have rejected them and their children, accusing them of killing them while in the bush and carrying with them a curse.
Most of them after being rejected by their relatives and husbands have opted to rent houses near Gulu Town from where they have to live from hand to mouth.
Aryemo, for instance, makes beads at home which she sells to supplement what her husband, with whom she is yet to bear a child, gets from riding a boda boda motorcycle.
NGO’s work
Santo Okema, the programmes officer at Ker kwaro Acholi, a cultural organisation, responding to concerns raised by the women that they have been ignored by the cultural institution as has been the norm in the past, promised to raise their concerns at a meeting of traditional leaders.
Susan Blanch Alal, the programmes manager at World Vision Uganda Children of War Rehabilitation Programme, said more than 14,000 children have since benefited from their programme.
She added that the organisation came in to support former abductees and people affected by war after detecting challenges with their reintegration in the community.
“We have developed a proposal on how best to reintegrate the formerly abducted persons in the community and make their lives fruitful and peaceful with the other community members,” Alal says.
Mapenduzi Ojara, the district chairperson, says they are aware of the grievances of the women and promised to look for solutions through programmes like the Peace, Recovery and Development Plan for northern Uganda.
Big struggle
He says recovery from war is a complex process that calls for a lot of commitment from the government and development partners who he says should design projects that are relevant to the women.
“What we are looking for now is to empower the women to access services and to also offer them psychosocial support,” Ojara says. The women are also particularly upset that some of the men who returned from captivity are enjoying more limelight than the women and have not taken any steps to take care of their children or ask for forgiveness.
“It’s painful that they took us to the bush, abused us, and impregnated us. They know they were our abductors and they don’t want to come and ask us for forgiveness,” Aryemo narrates.
For instance, in January, former LRA spokesperson, 50-year-old Sam Kolo graduated from Gulu University with a degree in Business Administration and immediately set his ambitions on getting a Master degree.
For Amony and the other women, their beauty still remains but the good life they dreamt of in childhood has been robbed off them and it is a struggle to rekindle it, something that they may realise much later in life and with little significance.
Today and tomorrow the United Nations in Uganda and Gulu University are holding a conference titled, “Perceptions of Peacebuilding in Northern Uganda,” to “contribute to opening up the discussion on peacebuilding and conflict drivers in northern Uganda to a wide range of actors involved in the recovery of the region, enhance evidence-based programming and to support capacity building of a fast-growing academic institution.”
JRP’s Kate Lonergan and Ketty Anyeko will present a paper on women and youth and traditional justice during a session on “Peacebuilding: Shifting from the State to the Individual.” We’ve posted the abstract below for more information. The paper is based on preliminary findings of a larger study to be released later in the year.
“Gender and Generation in Acholi Traditional Justice Mechanisms”- ABSTRACT
By Kate Lonergan and Ketty Anyeko
Throughout the LRA conflict, women and youth faced grave atrocities such as gender-based violence, forced marriage and disruption of education and economic opportunities. These women and youth risk being omitted from justice and peace debates in Uganda if their unique experiences and reintegration challenges are overlooked. Acholi traditional justice mechanisms, especially mato oput and nyono tongweno, are often promoted as a locally appropriate approach to address these issues in northern Uganda. Despite this, little has been documented about the attitudes of women and youth towards traditional approaches and their impacts on their overall wellbeing. This paper explores whether current uses of traditional mechanisms sufficiently address the unique justice, reintegration and reconciliation needs of women and youth. Using preliminary findings of an ongoing study, the paper discusses opinions gathered from focus group discussions and individual interviews with war-affected women and youth throughout Acholi sub-region. This paper presents feedback from women and youth on the relevancy of traditional justice mechanisms for justice and healing from grave atrocities. It also discusses their current role in the decision-making and negotiation process of traditional justice mechanisms, and whether that role sufficiently represents their needs and opinions in the healing process. This presentation interns to spur discussion around these questions, with a specific focus on how to better engage women and youth in traditional reconciliation mechanisms. Feedback from fellow practitioners will hopefully inform both the future direction of the research project and the role of women and youth in the larger transitional justice policy debates in Uganda.
We have added an ‘About JRP’ powerpoint slideshow that provides basic information on our history and work. You can view it by going to About–>Information Kit on our menu bar or download the file by clicking here.
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