Maternal and paternal family of child born from captivity laugh and share stories together. Photo by Patrick Odong/JRP
The maternal and paternal family of a child born from captivity have joined hands to brighten their futures together through the child reintegration programme.
In 2016, JRP and WAN supported one mother through the child reintegration project, in which her child who was born in captivity was reunited with their paternal home. After being contacted by the mother to express her gratitude for the team and the project, JRP conducted a follow-up visit with the mother to the paternal family in Palaro parish, Odek sub-county, to see how the families were working together.
The happiness and love shown by the two families for each other was greatly reflected in the stories told. The mother told JRP how the families had combined their efforts and resources to support the child at school and ensure the child has a bright future. The paternal family has not only given the mother a plot of their ancestral land to plough, but has identified a strategic piece of their land in the centre of Odek for the mother to build a business. By generously giving land and helping her to build a business and home in Odek, they ensure that she is close to the child and the family. The paternal family opened their arms to her other children and proclaimed that together they will join hands together to build a strong future for her and her children.
This story sheds light on how families across war-torn communities are supporting each other in life after the LRA conflict. Often those who return from captivity are faced with stigmatisation and rejection from their local communities. By providing a platform for these families to engage in dialogue and discussion over their experiences, hopes and interests for those children born in captivity, JRP hopes to bring light to the lives of many conflict survivors.
Participant speaks during a meeting held by Actionaid Uganda and the Greater North Parliamentary forum on ‘Making Transitional Justice work for Women in Northern Uganda’. Photo by Alice Baker/JRP
On Friday 23rd March, some of the JRP team joined an informative and lively discussion on “Making Transitional Justice Work for Women” organised by Action Aid Uganda. The meeting brought together civil society organisations, Greater North Parliamentary representatives and cultural leaders from across Uganda to give transitional justice an all important spotlight!
Reflecting on their transitional justice study report gave space for discussions surrounding National Transitional Justice policy, gender mainstreaming and women’s experiences and perspectives on transitional justice in Northern Uganda. It is important that we continue to come together and discuss such important issues! As one of the great speakers said today, “let’s not normalise an abnormal situation.”
For more information on ActionAid Uganda’s work on this subject and the current debate, take a look at the link below:
http://www.actionaid.org/australia/making-transitional-justice-work-women-rights-resilience-and-responses-violence-against
During the week of 10th September 2017, a team of 70 peace ambassadors from the Rwenzori region were hosted in Gulu by JRP and ACORD. The group was led by the Rwenzori Consortium for Civic Competence (RWECO), and over the course of the two day exchange, activities were undergone to better understand the roles of religious, cultural and political leaders in the pacification of Northern Uganda. The team consisted of cultural, religious and local government leaders, as well as representatives from the disabled community, people living with HIV/AIDs, local NGOs and civil society members. This visit also aimed to enable the Rwenzori region group to better understand and borrow from traditional justice mechanisms that have been applied to the post-conflict Acholiland.
On the morning of September 12th, the team from Rwenzori region met with religious leader Rt. Rev. Bishop Mark Loed Ochola II and a representative from Ker Kwaro Acholi, a local cultural institution – Elder Ongaya Acelam, at the Justice and Reconciliation Project office site. The Bishop shared the background of the northern Uganda armed conflict and how religious leaders have contributed to forging and maintaining peace in the region. What touched the group from Rwenzori the most was how the religious leaders challenged Joseph Kony – the leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) – for claiming to be acting in the will of God, and yet it is stated in the Bible that God does not allow men to kill one another. Another salient point raised in the meeting was how religious leaders from different denominations came together, uniting around the goal of a peaceful future for northern Uganda and initiating the Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative, a group which has been crucial in demanding the release of abductees and sparking peace negotiations with key LRA leaders. The visitors from Rwenzori region were so inspired by Rt. Rev. Bishop Ochola, they requested through their team leader that he visit them in Rwenzori land.
Since various approaches were used to achieve the pacification of northern Uganda, Elder Acelam Ongaya explained to the audience that traditional justice mechanisms have been used both historically and presently to consolidate peace; most
notably, this includes the role of Mato-oput in reconciliation among the Acholi community. In his presentation, he emphasized that Mato-oput is premised on five core Acholi principles of justice: never to commit offence, never to tell lies nor accused someone falsely, to ask for forgiveness and learn to forgive, to accept your wrongdoings, and to take responsibility for your actions. Mato-Oput is a voluntary ritual and it compels conflicting parties not to confront one another again. In the afternoon, the team also got the opportunity to meet with local political leaders, including the vise chairperson of LC5 Gulu, to better understand the roles they have played in bringing peace to northern Uganda.
CORE team of Parabongo Massacre Association demonstrates Mato-oput ritual
On 13th September, the team from Rwenzori region met with the Community Reconciliation (CORE) team of Parabongo Massacre Association in Amuru District, who gave a demonstration of the famous Mato-oput rituals in a play depicting community conflict. The community visit was accompanied by a question and answer session about Mato-oput.
The following are examples of questions raised during the session by the group from Rwenzori region and the responses given by CORE team members and elders:
Question: Is the Mato-oput ritual not against human rights, since the content of Oput is composed of goat’s cud and blood, local brews and bitter substances and seems unfit for human intake?
Response: Mato-oput does not violate human rights, because it is carried out voluntarily and is the final activity after one has already undergone a number of reconciliation processes. A little of the various substances is mixed, and there have been no notable side effects. However, the parties under reconciliation undergo vigorous counseling by elders for their commitment to drink the concoction. The elder then went on to ask whether there was anybody present on the team who has not in the past eaten blood or a small amount of cud from an animal at some point, to which the team simply laughed and agreed that everyone had done so in the past.
Question: Is Mato-oput against the faith of Born Again Christians? What would happen to a Born Again person who refuses to take part in the ritual?
Response: With Born Again Christianity, it depends on the individual’s faith and beliefs. There are people who believe in traditional rituals and those who believe in religious rituals, and there are cultural and religious institutions to help each person according to their respective beliefs. It is encouraged that they do what they feel would be most helpful to them in bringing reconciliation and peace. The elder then followed this up with an example: for him, he does not practice Mato-oput but instead believes that prayer and forgiveness can solve anything. It is the cultural institutions which carry out the rituals, and although he does not partake, he is not against the practices because he has seen that the rituals genuinely help reconciliation among the Acholi people.
Question: What happens to the perpetrator who accepts the offer to perform the ritual but afterwards still repeats the same crime in the community?
Response: In a case where this occurs, the perpetrator and his or her clan must pay a heavy fine. However, this has not happened because the process of Mato–oput is not easy, and no one wants to do it twice. Secondly, the oath made during Mato-oput brings a bad omen upon those who do not live by their oath. The Acholi people respect, trust and obey their traditions so much that they would not do such a thing that would be costly for their whole family.
In the afternoon of 13th September, the team from Rwenzori sub region met with a female sexual and gender-based violence victims group in Layibi Division of Gulu Municipality. Members of the groups shared their experiences during their time in LRA captivity; how abducted girls were given to bush husbands, experiences of pregnancy and giving birth in the jungle, escape, and life back home and its related challenges. The Rwenzori team where so touched by these experiences that at one point they had to stop the women from continuing with their stories. The visitors instead initiated a prayer to thank God for his mercy on the women. The interaction with the women turned into a makeshift service, where offers as high as 89,000UGX and contributions worth 100,000UGX, as well as stationary and hand bags, were given to the women by the visitors. When the women explained their challenges with economic difficulties to provide for the children they returned home with, the Rwenzori group generously bought some of the art pieces created by the women’s group. The art included beads, bangles, and bags, and are produced by the women as a mean of earning income.
A religious leader among the visitors prays for the female SGBV victims in Layibi Division, Gulu district
A dinner was organized in the evening and the Rwenzori region team was asked to share the lessons they had learned about reconciliation from Acholiland. The following points were raised:
There is no division among the leaders in Acholi when it comes to peace building.
Cultural leaders and elders are highly respected, trusted and obeyed by the Acholi community.
The Acholi community are all united by the same language and culture, creating a solid foundation from which to launch peace and reconciliation initiatives.
In Acholi, when it comes to bringing peace, everyone’s opinion is respected.
The war that took place in Northern Uganda has key differences from conflict in the Rwenzori region; in Acholiland, victims of war are accessible and open to sharing their experiences. This is not often the case in the Rwenzori region.
From this visit, the team from Rwenzori region felt motivated to work for peace. They believed that knowledge gained regarding the pacification of Acholiland will improve on their own reconciliation and peace promotion processes.
Last July, around 215 women and 31 men of the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN) Groups received livelihood and entrepreneurship trainings in Alero, Atiak, Pader, Pabo and Gulu town. The purpose was to equip them with relevant knowledge and skills based on their income generating activities (IGA’s) for the proper management and sustainability of their projects. The groups had collectively selected two IGAs they wanted to deliver to the market in order to create a community-based sustainable livelihood. Most of the groups opted for new farming strategies, and were willing to embrace new market opportunities.
For instance, the breeding of the recently arrived Kuroiler chicken from South East Asia shapes new possibilities for multiple reasons. Firstly, Kuroiler chickens grow faster and bigger than local chickens, and lay more and bigger eggs. The market value of a Kuroiler chicken and its eggs are therefore two to three times higher than the local chicken. Furthermore, when the houses are modified, cleaned, and the vaccines have been given, the Kuroiler chickens are easy to keep – they eat a diet based on local foods – and are strong. Other selected activities included goat rearing, pine tree farming and more.
All trainings were given by properly qualified sub-county officials (e.g. veterinarians and certified farmers), who were willing to share their contacts details. As some participants complained that the national government had not responded to their calls for assistance, the JRP believes that these IGA initiatives will empower the groups, because now they can directly contact the local experts when help is needed. Furthermore, the participants shared their knowledge and learned from each other during group and plenary sessions. Since the trainings were interactive, there were vibrant discussions and many questions were answered. Overall, the participants enjoyed the trainings and requested for more, and even want to invite their relatives for the upcoming activities.
Tam Pi Anyim woman’s group attending a training in Alero sub-county
All trainings covered the following topics: goat rearing, poultry keeping, best farming practices, business enterprise, housing, hygiene, cost-benefit analysis, reproduction of animals, diseases, vaccinations and possible risks, and addressed some management and planning skills. The trainers stressed that record keeping and documentation is vital for a successful business. For example, pine tree farming is time consuming and will only be successful, if seven steps (lining, marking, pitting, ring weeding, spraying, planting and site selecting garden) are meticulously taken in accordance with seasonal changes. Furthermore, each necessary vaccination for livestock should be given at a specific age of the animal, which makes record keeping a crucial exercise. The same counts for the reproduction of animals.
Multiple times during the trainings, there were smiling faces and clapping hands. The women’s groups were excited by the opportunity provided to them by the JRP to improve their own livelihoods with dignity. Each participant is now equipped with (new) farming techniques, as well as management and planning skills that they can apply to create a sustainable income. The groups learned to manage their own budget, and draft their own financial plans. Some groups even arranged set prices for their products on the market, which will be beneficial for the entire community and create more trust among its members.
Dii Cwinyi child mothers brainstorming in Pabo
It is also important to manage any potential conflicts which may arise. Some groups already received training sessions on group dynamics on behalf of their own request, and other groups might receive similar trainings in the future. In our view, the trainings contributed to community building, since it brought the members together and created a healthy and safe environment for engagement. During lunch breaks, women helped each other with their children, were chatting with one another, and had some time for themselves. It was noticeable that the participants dressed up nicely during the training. Lalam from Gulu town is quoted as saying “it is a social event, we interact with each other. This group also organizes activities, like dancing together.”
We observed that in most trainings, there were consistently 5 to 6 men participating. They were often seated in the back, and were the last to ask questions or take food when offered. Although JRP’s livelihood project focuses primarily on war-affected women, it also creates a space for men to be included and involved. In the long run, it is possible that the JRP will contribute to changing stereotypes about gender roles, and the acceptance of women’s agency and entrepreneurship through the participation of men in women’s empowerment programs.
The JRP is delighted to stimulate and contribute to the empowerment of its Women’s Advocacy Network Groups and its communities by working to lift living standards. In order to make maximum use of this potential, and to make this project as successful as possible, we have been in active talks with our main donor, the Uganda Fund, to incorporate refreshment trainings in the near future. JRP will be monitoring and documenting success stories and the impact of the project. The distribution of the start-up capital takes place in August and September 2017, and further updates will be posted.
People attend memorial prayers for the Atiak massacre of 1995 on 19 April 2017. Oryem Nyeko.
Even though 22 years have passed since the Lord’s Resistance Army rounded up, abducted and massacred hundreds at a trading centre in the Ugandan town of Atiak the community there still comes together every year to commemorate the events of April 1995.
Every year memorial prayers for the massacre take place at a primary school a short distance from where it took place. The prayers bring people from all walks of life, from children who are too young to remember the 20 year war, to elderly people who still bear the memory of loved ones that were lost and never found. A few outsiders also attend to show solidarity.
The purpose of memorial prayers in northern Uganda are often twofold. First, they allow the community to pay respects to the many victims of LRA’s war with the Ugandan government. Second, they bring the community together to draw wider attention to their experiences. In this way, they are used as a tool to make calls to the government and other actors for their justice and reconciliation needs to be addressed.
These kinds of events are significant for a region where hopes are high for redress for years of conflict. But progress here is slow. For instance, a national policy for transitional justice that was meant to provide the means to a reparations programme, truth-telling commissions and traditional justice, among other things, has delayed for years in the Ugandan cabinet with no word on when it will become a reality.
Even though we have seen headway in terms of justice with the ongoing proceedings against alleged LRA commanders Thomas Kwoyelo and Dominic Ongwen there are still gaps. Thomas Kwoyelo’s trial at the High Court of Uganda’s International Crimes Division is fraught with delays while Dominic Ongwen’s trial at the ICC, though progressing, is not entirely reflective of the scope of the atrocities that were committed and the range of perpetrators that existed during the LRA-Government of Uganda war.
So when the news came that Ugandan and United States forces were withdrawing troops from their hunt for the LRA and its leader Joseph Kony the hopes of communities like have Atiak suffered another blow. This move comes despite the fact that Kony is still subject to an indictment by the ICC for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Already in Uganda notions of international criminal justice exist on shaky ground, with the slow moving transitional justice processes here and the criticisms that institutions like the ICC regularly face. With this withdrawal, however, the likelihood of accountability as well as redress in the form of reparations for victim communities is reduced even further.
The reason that was given for the withdrawal does not help. Ugandan forces are reported to have made the decision to end the pursuit of the LRA because the mission in doing so was “already achieved”. This is problematic because it reinforces the message to victims of the atrocities that are alleged against Kony, as well as their communities, that accountability for the crimes that were committed during the war are not a priority.
Northern Ugandan communities themselves hear and are acutely aware of the meaning of messages like these. Many have come to terms with the fact that they must look towards themselves for redress rather than depend on others. This year, for example, the Atiak memorial prayers were focused on moving towards economic empowerment for the community. During the ceremony a religious leader urged the community to “find ways to work together for a better future.”
But do victims of conflict and their communities in Uganda have to exist in space where they are on their own? To respond to this, the conversation around accountability, justice and reconciliation needs to be shifted to the perspective of the people to whom it matters the most. If, for example, as much money, time and resources that was invested in the hunt for the LRA was instead used to support communities such as Atiak in their pursuit of justice then the impact would have been felt. Accountability for the crimes that were committed cannot be another area of redress for which northern Ugandan communities cannot depend on.
Children play as part of an innovative project documenting the lives and experiences of children born into LRA captivity. Photo courtesy of Beth Stewart.
As nations around the world rebuild from protracted armed conflicts, many are struggling with a consequence of war that has largely been ignored by integration programs and policies: How can societies address the unique needs of the thousands of children conceived as a result of sexual violence and exploitation against women and girls during armed conflict?
Referred to as “children born of war,” they represent a particularly vulnerable class of war-affected children.
Over the past five years, grass-roots women’s organizations in northern Uganda have been providing valuable lessons on how to integrate these youth in post-conflict societies. These include mitigating future challenges the children might face by mediating family reconciliations and creating economic opportunities for these children through access to land ownership.
Data on these boys and girls, especially in conflict and post-conflict countries in sub-Saharan Africa, are sparse and lacking. Some independent and expert sources offer conservative estimates, saying the number of children born to women raped during the Rwandan civil war ranges from 2,000 (PDF) to more than 10,000. In the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, up to 17 percent of women and girls who survived conflict-related sexual violence have reported becoming pregnant. In northern Uganda, more than 10,000 (PDF) girls abducted by the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) between 1988 and 2004 became child mothers. Most reportedly bore two or more children before being rescued by government forces.
Research (PDF) from war-affected countries such as Bosnia and Sierra Leone shows that children born of war confront complex challenges, including socioeconomic marginalization, family rejection, stigmatization, and violence. They struggle with issues of identity and belonging (PDF). They’re all too often turned into outcasts, rejected by families and communities. That also makes it highly unlikely for their mothers to disclose how they were conceived or help the children access social services.
Being born because of wartime rape ‘handicaps children for life.’
Patricia A. Weitsman, the late political scientist and scholar who studied sexual violence and identity in war, has argued that being born because of wartime rape “handicaps children for life.” (PDF) Families and societies can’t separate children of war from the circumstance of their conception. Their identities are forever linked with the men who raped their mothers, even when they are raised in their mother’s communities, according to Weitsman’s research.
A 2016 study by Myriam S. Denov, a McGill University professor, and community-based researcher A.A. Lakor documented the views and experiences of Ugandan children whose mothers were raped while prisoners of the Lord Resistance Army. The youths said their life in captivity was “debilitating and horrific.” But they described their current, post-release lives as worse, due to the stigma and abject poverty they endure. They appear to prefer war to peace, but it is not their fault. Governments and institutions in civil societies have failed to fully and meaningfully integrate the children into postwar life, the researchers said.
There are signs of better ways forward: The Women’s Advocacy Network, a group of more than 600 Ugandan women who were LRA abductees, is addressing this issue in a sensitive and creative manner. In November, I spoke with Lucy, a group leader in the Northern Uganda city of Gulu who asked to be identified by her first name. She said the network is striving to find relatives of some war-born children, hoping to pull them from shame and exile, and reuniting them with extended families of their fathers and reintegrating them into communities.
“These children, who are now between the ages of 12 and 20, are asking about their fathers,” Lucy said. In some cases the youths already have been branded as perpetrators “so it’s important to connect them to any family member from the father’s side that can help them navigate problems they are facing as a result of who they are,” she said.
In some northern Ugandan traditions, children inherit land from fathers or through their paternal line. If war-born children are cast out and cut off from this important resource, the consequences—especially for young men—can be economically devastating and affect the rest of their lives. Without a way to provide for spouses and families, young men will experience greater societal rejection than their female counterparts.
Not every attempt the Women’s Advocacy Network makes to reunite children of war with their extended families is successful, Lucy cautioned. Some children were fathered by former soldiers who were abducted and forced to serve in the rebel groups; they may have changed their names and can be hard to find. Even if family members are located, the children can still be rejected.
Since the 2006 ceasefire between the Ugandan government and the LRA rebels, officials and international organizations have used a “transitional justice framework” to offer redress for victims of sexual violence and exploitation—and their children. This process is put into place when existing judicial systems in nations or regions can’t fully deal with large-scale or systemic human rights violations. The framework has helped to foster a range of initiatives in post-conflict northern Uganda to establish accountable institutions, give victims options to pursue justice, and to facilitate community dialogues for reconciliation. But it has neglected the long-term needs and challenges of war-born children, according to a 2015 assessment (PDF) by the International Center for Transitional Justice. That group found that officials have focused on mothers, wrongly assuming benefits would trickle down to the children born of war.
The women’s network, however, has identified the unique needs of these youths, and the group’s push for reunification between children and families may hold promise. The group has benefited from deep community involvement and by having members who are parents of “children born of war.” This has allowed the group to have a broader and more inclusive view of what is needed to achieve a sustainable and holistic integration process for these children.
The network’s efforts may provide a model for other countries in the region facing similar challenges. In Nigeria, for instance, the militant Islamic group Boko Haram has abducted over 2,000 women and girls since 2014—and 214 of 700 kidnapped females rescued by the Nigerian army were pregnant. As more girls are rescued, and these women and their children born of war start integrating and reintegrating into their families and communities, organizations will need to consider designing programs that provide immediate relief and services for mothers and their children. Future initiatives also need to take into account the long-term impact of what being a child “born of war” entails—and be sensitive to the complex ways it can affect postwar life.
As an organization, we envision a just and peaceful society and believe that it is only by involving and empowering grassroots communities that this can be achieved.
We also believe in the use of commemoration as an important tool. It can be used to help people heal and reconcile. It can also be used to advocate for justice as well as redress for victims and the wider community.
As such, we see the theme of “moving towards economic empowerment amidst torture” as chosen for today, as a call for us all to continue to work together as community members, local and national government, non-governmental organisations and other partners.
As we remember the loss of our loved ones on 20 April 1995, we ask that we all continue to join hands to work for justice and reconciliation. JRP remains committed to support justice, accountability and reconciliation efforts of conflict affected people and we shall always be there for and with victims.
How a family reunion has brought closure and healing
“I didn’t know that there is an organisation that resurrects the dead,” said Oweka’s great aunt this past March.
This is a common saying by the families with whom we have been conducting the reintegration of children born of war through family reunions. These children are being looked at as a replacement of their dead relatives or those who have gone missing. During the two decade conflict in northern Uganda thousands of people were killed and abducted and many are still missing up to date. Reuniting the children of the deceased or missing with their relatives is a means by which communities are filling in the void caused by the loss of their loved ones and attaining closure and healing.
A sense of belonging, identity and access to land
Oweka and his mother had been searching for the home for the last five years until they approached the Women’s Advocacy Network for help in late 2016. His mother had returned from captivity with him in the womb and they had been living with his step family from the time he was born. He has been experiencing rejection from his mother’s marital relatives and his step-siblings.
Oweka’s mother had wanted him to reunite with his paternal family so that he could have a sense of belonging, identity as well as access to land. This is because of the patrilineal culture that is embedded in the community where Oweka is from: here, children belong to their father’s lineage and boys are expected to inherit land from their fathers in order to establish their own families.
Reunions as an integral aspect of reintegration
Since January 2016, 19 children have so far been reunited with their relatives by the members of the Women’s Advocacy Network together with the Justice and Reconciliation Project in partnership with the Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice. Family reunions are an integral aspect of the reintegration of children born of war and their mothers. This is because families are a source of support and welfare, allow for access to land and provide a sense of identity.
In the absence of a formal, state-run transitional justice process local initiatives such as family reunions are ways in which communities are transitioning from the two decades of war in northern Uganda. These initiatives are helping to fill in the vacuum so as to address the legacies of the conflict.
Restoring fractured relationships
Family reunions also ultimately contribute towards reconciliation by allowing maternal and paternal families of the children to come together contributed towards building and restoring relationships that were fractured during the conflict. They also complement other ongoing programs aimed at fostering peace, reconciliation and ensuring proper reintegration of war affected persons in Northern Uganda.
Oweka met his paternal relatives for the first time on the 2nd of March 2017 in the out skirts of Kitgum town. He was welcomed in the home with a thanksgiving prayer amidst celebration and joy. One of the family members said on the day, “We thank God for the grace that has made Oweka return home.” He will now be supported by one of his cousins to join a prestigious boarding school in the area.
During the reunion Oweka said, “They kept on saying I had no clan and a place to belong but now I am at my father’s roots.”
Rwot Jeremiah Bongojane speaks during a cultural leaders dialogue between survivors of conflict-SGBV and cultural leaders from across northern Uganda on 28 April 2016 in Gulu.
It is with great sadness that we at the Justice and Reconciliation Project learned of the passing of Rwot Jeremiah Bongojane Patiko on Tuesday, 14 March 2017.
Over the years, we collaborated with Rwot Bongojane and his chiefdom of Patiko over the years on many key peacebuilding initiatives for northern Uganda. These included developing a road map to regional reconciliation for Lango and Acholi sub-regions, working towards reintegrating children born of war, and conducting reburials in Lukodi, according to Acholi customs and traditions.
Rwot Bongojane was generous enough to share his vast knowledge and expertise, helping us develop approaches that are both culturally familiar and relevant to the people of northern Uganda.
Rwot Bongojane was and continues to be an inspiration to many who aspire to a just and peaceful society and as we mourn his death, we also celebrate his life. May his soul rest in peace and the legacy he has set continue to reshape Acholiland and Uganda.
People watch Dominic Ongwen’s trial at the International Criminal Court in Gulu, 16 January 2017. Credit: Oryem Nyeko.
Given that it is the first public trial for crimes committed in the two-decade war between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and Ugandan army, the case against Dominic Ongwen at the International Criminal Court (ICC) should, theoretically, be at the forefront of most Ugandans’ minds.
But what should be an opportunity for a national conversation on justice and accountability appears to be limited to a select group of people. Even in much of the north, the region from which thousands of people were killed and hundreds of thousands displaced in the conflict, few Ugandans seem to be following proceedings.
This is partly because of the practical realities of holding the trial thousands of miles away in The Hague rather than in Uganda. But it is also a result of the well-intended, but flawed, approach to outreach by the ICC.
“Affected communities”
The ICC’s outreach strategy for this case has been clear: to engage with the communities tied to the case as much as possible. Accordingly, screenings of the proceedings have been held in the four locations in northern Uganda that Ongwen is alleged to have led attacks as a senior LRA commander in 2004: Pajule; Odek; Lukodi, in the Acholi region; and Abok, where most identify as Langi.
The focus on these four areas is deliberate. These are the communities that would appear to have the most vested interests in the case, being home to the victims of the mass murders, abductions and looting for which Ongwen is accused of being responsible.
Additionally, because of the possibility of compensation for victims at the conclusion of the trial, the court has worked extra hard in these areas to calm expectations about the ICC’s reparations programme.
However, Ongwen and the LRA’s infamy are not limited to attacks on four camps in 2004. Nor were victims of the violence exclusive to the Acholi speaking regions of Uganda. It therefore comes as a surprise that the ICC’s focus has been largely limited to these places, and that it has seemingly been geared to accommodate only Acholi speakers; Acholi is the sole Ugandan language into which the official live streams of the proceedings are being translated.
Should an outreach strategy only focus on the “affected communities”, especially where the scope and impact of the alleged crimes are far more wide reaching than those geographical areas?
If the interests of the communities are to be a deciding factor at least, then the answer is no. In research with these groups in 2015, we found that many people were concerned with the “othering” that comes with being labelled a victim community in a case such as this. This is particularly true where reparations – something the bulk of victims of both state-led and LRA atrocities have not received – are a distinct possibility for that population.
People in Lukodi, for example, were eager to emphasise the need for dialogue with Ongwen’s own community to facilitate a level of understanding. This would, in their view, negate the status that comes with being an “affected community”.
Another notable aspect of the ICC’s approach in northern Uganda is its use of local NGOs as conduits to the communities it wants to reach. It is not unusual for the staff of local NGOs to facilitate ICC-funded events and act as a friendly face for the court. Partnership is, of course, an important part of civil society work and a useful tool that the court can use to gain the trust and familiarity of people in the area.
But the result here is that – unlike in Kenya where civil society was noted for its vibrant role in the investigation and prosecution of perpetrators of the 2007-08 election violence – northern Uganda’s civil society suffers from having to balance providing critical input with effectively being an extension of the same court.
Legacy of the war
It should be noted that, previously, official screenings of the trial have also been held in the town of Gulu in the north and in Ongwen’s village of Coorom. The screenings in Gulu, however, proved to be a challenge given the very inconsistent internet and electricity. Understandably then, the ICC only held screenings here in the trial’s early stages, leaving those interested in following the rest of it to watch it online or simply not at all, since the hearings were not broadcast on radio or television.
It’s not surprising, therefore, that when speaking to boda boda riders – the local repositories of current affairs in Gulu – about what is happening with Ongwen at the ICC, many have more questions than answers.
It has been around a decade since the war ended and, since then, northern Uganda, once defined by conflict, has had its identity change. Even so, the legacy of the war remains a major part of the region and very few of its residents are young enough not to remember it or its impact.
It is of course possible that the Ongwen trial would never have been at the forefront of everyone’s minds, but its inaccessibility to most people, and the choices the court has made in reaching out to them, has certainly had a bearing on how relevant it is.
Oryem Nyeko is the Communications and Advocacy Team Leader with JRP.
