Tag Archives: transitional justice

When War Becomes a Way of Life: The Adjumani Story Series

Research Assistant Benard Okot makes notes during an interview in Adjumani. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Welcome to Adjumani

A latrine is constructed from discarded United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) sheeting. The white of it has gone gray, the blue is faded and the sheeting billows like a flag above the urine soaked ground. Dogs lie in the road so still they might be dead, unfazed even by the buzzing of flies. A boy hawks rolex, a Ugandan street food made of chapatti and fried egg, from a cloud of dust. The smells of oil and boiled goats’ meat hang in the air. The sun is unforgiving.

This is Dzaipi Sub-County, Adjumani District.

It is just thirty kilometers from Nimule, on the border with South Sudan, and has been buffeted by conflict on both sides of that border since the time of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin Dada. Following Amin’s reign of terror, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rose to power in Uganda, forcing many into internally displaced persons’ camps and others into the rebel army itself. Meanwhile, the second Sudanese civil war raged on nearby, ultimately claiming two million souls.

A state of relative peace has returned to Adjumani. The LRA left Uganda in 2006. The promise of amnesty for returned recruits, traditional justice practices, geopolitical dynamics and depleted resources forced them from the country.  Still, the rebels remained active in South Sudan, Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Attacks in the DRC have been reported as recently as October 2018, but these are nowhere near the scope and scale of previous brutalities.

South Sudan officially established its independence from Sudan in 2011, but conflict erupted two years later, when South Sudanese President Salva Kiir accused Vice President Riek Machar of attempting a coup.  Fighting then broke out between the government army and rebel forces, with factions often divided along ethnic lines. Many fled in fear for their lives, making an equally terrifying journey to Uganda.

Henry Amadra, a South Sudanese refugee, recalls the perilous trip. At one point he and his family came to water, and were certain they might be thrown in if unable to explain themselves or bribe soldiers, so risky was movement between countries.

Henry Amadra poses for a portrait, following an interview with JRP staff. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Kiir and Machar reached a shaky peace deal was reached in October 2018, but an endless flow of refugees continues to cross the border between South Sudan and Uganda, escaping ongoing violence and uncertainty in the world’s newest nation. The current conflict is estimated to have displaced millions and resulted in approximately 383,000 deaths.

 A Land in Constant Conflict

 The story of Adjumani, like so much of Northern Uganda, is a story of war. It is a story James Wani  knows all too well. He is a tall and reedy man, with hunched shoulders and a shaved head. His eyes are gentle and his voice is slow and deep, the hard notes coming out only in certain moments.

James told his story from an un-mowed field near Dzaipi sub-county offices. Vehicles kicked up dirt on the road and elsewhere children laughed, then shrieked and began to cry. James first fled his home in fear of Idi Amin, and found himself in what is now South Sudan. He was a boy then and flight disrupted his education. It would not be the first time he was forced to run. As conflict between the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government intensified, James returned again to his home in Uganda. He found Joseph Kony and the LRA gaining power there, and he was once again in the center of a war zone.

James was abducted by the rebel army on three separate occasions. He does not give details, only the impression that fear and pain are routine emotions. War is over now and he still feels unsettled.

James Wani Narrates his experiences for JRP staff in Adjumani. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Betty Ottua has a similar tale; the only difference is that she was born in South Sudan, then called Sudan, and not in Uganda.  Betty came of age in Nimule, South Sudan. As she grew clashes between the SPLA and government forces also worsened, and she made the journey to Uganda when she was ten years old. She lived in a settlement in Adjumani. Betty claims it was the subject of constant LRA raids, as rebels stole the already meager UNHCR rations given to refugees. She returned to South Sudan in her adulthood, but the LRA found her there as well.

Betty’s lips turn upwards in the ghost of a smile as she describes a vicious attack on a vehicle by the LRA in South Sudan. There were gunshots everywhere. Somehow, the bullets missed her. She became soaked in the blood of others. Afterwards, the soldiers checked for survivors. They never found her.

They poured gasoline and set the vehicle ablaze and this is when Betty escaped. As she moved away, she saw a mother and baby. The woman was badly injured and close to dying and it was impossible to save her and too dangerous to take the child. They burnt.

Betty returned to Nimule, but discord between Kiir and Machar worsened and conflict broke out once again. She remembers seeing someone she knew killed on a near daily basis. So, Betty escaped again to Uganda, displacement habitual.

These are just two voices in a chorus. There are countless experiences, just as brutal and simply untold.

Sarah Akumu is the community development officer for Dzaipi sub-county. She sees great similarities between the experiences of both Northern Ugandan conflict survivors and South Sudanese refugees.  She spoke from her office, the midmorning sun already high and the heat intense. “This border of Sudan and Uganda is a porous border. We keep moving and we have relatives in these two countries,” she said. “What we went through, during the LRA activities, is more or less the same as what these people went through when they were forced to come here.”

In addition to similarities on both sides, covert border crossing were a routine part of the LRA insurgency, as the rebels established bases in South Sudan. They received support and a measure of security from the government of Sudan in Khartoum, allegedly in retaliation for Ugandan Government support of the SPLA.

Rebels and their captives spent significant time in jungles between South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic and Northern Uganda, the lines of the map arbitrary. Michael Droma, who was abducted from his home in Adjumani, asserts that he became a soldier in South Sudan. There, he was taught to properly hold and shoot a gun. He claims that 2,136 other soldiers were trained alongside him.

Michael Droma poses for a portrait following his interview with JRP Staff. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Borders have shaped the African continent, and played a crucial role in war and strategy, and yet these borders seem near irrelevant to the human experience.

A Shared Past, A Shared Future

 The future and needs of Ugandan locals and South Sudanese refugees have become increasingly and irrevocably linked. The transitional justice process in the larger West Nile region is shaped by the need to support refugees and conflict survivors simultaneously.

According to Michael Droma, Ugandans and South Sudanese are prepared to unite, based on the understanding created by shared experience. He believes that people from both nations “can join hands together.” In fact, Uganda is known for having one of the most welcoming refugee policies in the world, opening its doors to those fleeing neighboring countries.

While empathy for and the desire to support refugees is clear, the environment itself presents challenges. Northern Uganda remains in a delicate period of recovery. Competition for natural resources is also fierce. Many refugees complain of being chased away from the forest by the local community when they try to cut grasses to build thatched huts.

Angelina Awut Adung fled South Sudan with her children. They live do not have a proper house or access to a latrine. Her eyes brim with tears when she tells her story. She wipes them away on the corners of her shawl and presses onward. UNHCR has been able to meet the basic needs of refugees, providing food rations and housing, but few other resources.  Angelina reported that she must sell these food rations in order to pay for clothes, and for school fees beyond primary school.

Angelina Awut Adung poses for a portrait following her interview with JRP staff. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Locals, on the other hand, claim that the refugee camps are contributing to massive deforestation, affecting the livelihood of a population that primarily survives as peasant farmers. Some even blame the refugees for the drought currently depleting crop production, claiming that the refugee population has entered sacred lands and angered the community elders.

The Local Council Three of Dzaipi sub-county, Mr. Charles Anyanzo, spoke about the influx of refugees from a bar near town. The tin roof slanted downwards, and music speakers were stacked on top of dusty beer crates. Outside, men played checkers with bottle caps. Power had gone out, and he was forced to converse by the light of mobile phones.

Mr. Anyanzo claimed that a “severe war” could erupt if the refugees are not properly settled, with attention to the needs of the local population. He believes it is crucial for non-profits and local leaders to actively meet the needs of both communities, specifically encouraging active intervention on the part of non-profits to “reduce hunger” for Ugandans, and in doing so curtail resentment that they may feel towards outside populations, allowing both to live in harmony.

Still, a question lingers. How can a traumatized population, in need of support, realistically accommodate equally traumatized refugees? How can the needs of both groups be met simultaneously, especially when those needs are myriad?

Speaking from the Dzaipi sub-county offices, Rosemary Anzoo pulls up the sleeve of her shirt to reveal a scar there. It is shaped almost like a star and puckered up as a pair of lips might be. Rosemary was raped by eight men during LRA captivity and stabbed. She speaks of problems in her bones, and still awaits treatment.

She wears silver hoop earrings, a skirt made of traditional cloth and a shirt from Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) bearing the slogan, “Speak Up and Act, SGBV is Real.” She covers the wound again and continues speaking.

Like a question, the image remains.

Changing the Minds of a Nation

 The Paramount Chief of the Madi People, Steven Izakare, opened the doors of his home to discuss these issues with JRP Staff.

On the surface, war and conflict have curtailed development throughout the West Nile. “West Nile and Acholi Sub-Region are great places that have been denied their opportunity to develop to their potential, because of the conflicts that have been raging on between the government and the so called rebel forces,” he said.

The issue, however, is deeper and more complex. According to His Highness Mr. Izakare, the war did not just impede development, but corroded the very mind of the nation. “A lot of minds were destroyed in the conflict. Many people who were good thinkers, the ones who could travel, met their demise on the road,” he said. “Finding a fresh mind that can separate between what has happened and what we need to be doing is very difficult.”  He claims it is challenging to encourage people to look beyond the trauma of the past and towards the possibility of the future. Thus, programs must not only meet multiple needs, but uplift the very mind of a nation.

If this happens, Mr. Izakare is optimistic. He envisions many communities living side by side in the West Nile, and a more developed Uganda that still respects and acknowledges its traditional past. “I’d like to see a Uganda that is truly peaceful. Emotionally, physically, psychologically, peaceful and healthy, and then it will also become wealthy,” he said. “The nationals on the ground have everything it takes to be a success, to sit amongst their peers, and have the respect from peers.”

Suddenly, the clouds darken, threatening rain. He calls it a blessing. Wind whips through the grass and fat drops begin to fall, slowly and then all at once.

There is hope, even in the places that seem bleak. Beatrice Yangi fled to Uganda with her children. She still recalls the difficult conditions in the camp, such as an attack of cholera and watching the elderly die in a downpour. She currently resides in Pagirinya Refugee Camp and lacks many basic necessities, including a mattress or sheets on which to sleep. Despite all this, she prays each morning upon waking and each night before going to bed. She thanks God at least twice each day. “Nothing is difficult for God. God can make anything better, anytime,” Beatrice said.

Beatrice Yangi narrates her experiences for JRP staff in Adjumani. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

The obstacles ahead are clear. Organizations must partner to meet the shared needs of multiple suffering populations, and do so in a way that also empowers people towards a better future, drawing a clear line between what has happened and what is to come. It is undoubtedly difficult, but if it is possible to speak openly no matter how painful and to pray each day in spite of an immediate reality, then perhaps real change is possible too.

***

 Justice and Reconciliation Project remains committed to supporting the voices and needs of vulnerable populations throughout Northern Uganda. JRP has supported three Women’s Advocacy Network groups in Adjumani, providing income generating items and loan capitals.

This article is part of a larger series on the needs of communities in Adjumani.The project was made possible with the support of the Trust Africa Fund, with the goal of elevating forgotten voices and evaluating the success of existing programs.  Interviews with from the project will also aid in the development of a best practices guide for supporting victims of sexual and gender based violence. This guide will be shared at an international exchange in Nigeria. The guide will also be circulated to researchers, practitioners and government officials to ensure effective response

Project Interviews were conducted by JRP Communications Intern Sophia Neiman and Research Assistant Benard Okot. Translation was provided by Emmanuel Anyovi.

Michael Droma: The Adjumani Story Series

Michael Droma poses for a picture following his interview with JRP Staff. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Michael Droma remembers the exact hour that war began.

It began at 7:30 in the evening.  Michael was returning home to Adjumani from Bibia. Rebels from the Lord’s Resistance Army captured him as he was about to enter his house. His hands were tied behind his back, and he was taken to a tree to be killed.

He might have died. Yet, Michael was saved by a man he believes Joseph Kony himself. The commander saw Michael’s size, and ordered him to become a soldier instead. Michael marched, joined a host other captives facing a brutal and uncertain future.

He watched as another village was raided. Michael claims that 54 more people were abducted from that place.

They came next to a river. He was forced to carry heavy loads, even asserts he carried Kony through the water. He watched as 32 people drowned in the current. Another 21 were shot on the spot. Weakness was a death sentence. Rebel leaders asked their captives if they were tired and all who answered yes were killed without mercy.

The army came to another tree, and many were forced to lie down below it. Michael was among those in the dirt, and once again he stared at death. Michael claims that Kony again intervened to save his life, as thanks for ferrying the commander across the water. Michael was spared, but given a heavy log. In order to survive he had to kill others. Michael moved down the line of bodies, killing from behind, using the log, counting, beating, one, two, three, four, five, six. The seventh person was then given the log and the slaughter continued.

At this point in the retelling, Michael touched the place where his head and neck met, showing where to hit. His eyes flashed also up and down. He did not say what happened to the bodies.

Afterwards, he and other captives spent three weeks inching over the porous border between Uganda and what is now South Sudan.  He was then taken to Aruu Junction in South Sudan to begin his official training as a soldier.

There, he learned to handle a weapon. He claims that 2,136 soldiers were trained alongside him. Soon, an attack by the government reduced the number of rebels by half.  Michael was among those who survived and spent a week hiding in caves below a river bend, with nothing to eat. Michael became angry then, and when the LRA returned to Uganda and attacked villages, he joined in the killing.

He remembers cutting off women’s breasts and asking if people wanted to laugh, and removing the lips of those who said yes, so that they were forced into an eternal and grotesque smile. Everywhere there was a trail of destruction and even animals did not escape death.

Eventually Michael fled. He arrived in Kitgum weighed down with weapons, including two guns, 18 bullets and several grenades. He handed these weapons over to the government.

Eventually, he came home, after residing in several other locations. The war did not end upon his return to Adjumani. He is isolated within his village, and people call him “Son of Kony,” stigmatizing and effectively exiling him. He lost his business and now has no way to buy new clothes, to feed his family, or to educate his children. In fact, he fears sending them to school, knowing they will be mocked and tormented as the offspring of a former rebel.

His wife has returned to her family, who feared that Michael’s captivity had turned him cruel. To this date he has not received proper counseling or medical treatment, and claims he is desperate for both. He also hopes the community can be sensitized to understand that he acted only out of self-perseveration, that he did what was necessary to keep alive.

He knows that he is not alone in suffering. He currently sees refugees cross the same boarder he did when in captivity, as they flee conflict in South Sudan. He believes that these refugees face a similar plight as those Ugandan communities once plagued by war.  He claims that Ugandans and refugees can, “join hands together.”

Michael has never told his story before. His primary desire is for his children to live a better life.

           ***

The Justice and Reconciliation Project remains committed to supporting the voices and needs of vulnerable populations throughout Northern Uganda. JRP has supported three Women’s Advocacy Network groups in Adjumani, providing income generating items and loan capitals.

This article is part of a larger series on the needs of communities in Adjumani. The project was made possible with the support of the Trust Africa Fund, with the goal of elevating forgotten voices and evaluating the success of existing programs.  Interviews with from the project will aid in the development of a best practices guide for supporting victims of sexual and gender based violence. This guide will be presented at an international exchange in Nigeria. The guide will also be circulated to researchers, practitioners and government officials to ensure effective response.

Project Interviews were conducted by JRP Communications Intern Sophia Neiman and Research Assistant Benard Okot. Translation was provided by Emmanuel Anyovi.

 

James Wani: The Adjumani Story Series

James Wani narrates his experiences to JRP staff in Adjumani. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

James Wani ran from conflict for the first time as a boy. The brutal dictator Idi Amin Dada gained power in Uganda. James escaped to what is now South Sudan, his education disrupted. Sudan descended into civil war and he returned to Uganda as a man. Home again, James took two wives and attempted to continue his education, proceeding up until senior three. At that point, he stopped studying and turned to farming as a means of survival.

War came again, as Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army rose to power in northern Uganda. James was captured on three separate occasions. Each time he was tormented in captivity. He does not describe his experiences in detail, alluding instead to a horror unspoken.

The war is over, and Uganda is calm again, but James remains unsettled. He does not see true recovery yet, and feels that he and people who suffered as he did lack support. Many basic needs are simply left unmet, as people struggle to get clean water, or reach hospitals on dusty and unpaved roads. The land itself is difficult to till and cultivate, because it was left empty for such a long time. Listening to James speak, it is not difficult to imagine earth that is full of blood.

The lack of support is so extreme that James claims that should another conflict break out in Northern Uganda, it might be better to return to the bush and join the rebels.

He is also a community leader, with concrete suggestions for peaceful change and development. James believes that livelihood and education programs will greatly serve the community, as many struggle to make ends meet, or to send their children to school. He also hopes that new health clinics can be established. Personally, he longs to educate his nine children, but lacks the resources to do so effectively. He claims that his hands are tied and hopes that Adjumani can receive more assistance in the future.

***

The Justice and Reconciliation Project remains committed to supporting the voices and needs of vulnerable populations throughout Northern Uganda. JRP has supported three Women’s Advocacy Network groups in Adjumani, providing income generating items and loan capitals.

This article is part of a larger series on the needs of communities in Adjumani. The project was made possible with the support of the Trust Africa Fund, with the goal of elevating forgotten voices and evaluating the success of existing programs.  Interviews with from the project will aid in the development of a best practices guide for supporting victims of sexual and gender based violence. This guide will be presented at an international exchange in Nigeria. The guide will also be circulated to researchers, practitioners and government officials to ensure effective response.

Project Interviews were conducted by JRP Communications Intern Sophia Neiman and Research Assistant Benard Okot. Translation was provided by Emmanuel Anyovi.

Henry Amadra: The Adjumani Story Series

Henry Amadra poses for a portrait, following an interview with JRP staff. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Henry Amadra is  34 years old. When he speaks, he seems much older.

Henry was born in Loa, South Sudan, though at the time of his birth it was simply called Sudan. He remembers his home village as a good place, but gives few details.

His youth was undoubtedly shaped by the Second Sudanese Civil War. Fought between government forces in Khartoum and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army in the south, the conflict was a bloody one. It lasted 22 years, and remains one of the longest civil wars on record, with a high civilian death toll.  Henry fled to Uganda in 1998.

Yet, there was no peace in Uganda. Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army gained power and attacked indiscriminately, often savaging the refugees. Deciding it might be safer in his home country; Henry crossed the border again and returned to Southern Sudan in 2001. “I ran because of a conflict, but I came and met another conflict. It is better I go back,” he said.

Existence remained unstable. The civil war went on until 2005. After leaving Uganda in 2006, the LRA continued to commit atrocities in Southern Sudan, before moving to the Democratic Republic of Congo.  South Sudan finally won its independence from Sudan in 2011, becoming the world’s newest nation.

For a time, there was tranquility. Renewed fighting broke out in 2013 between President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek Machar, when Kiir accused Machar of plotting a coup. The country descended into violence once more, and as ever, humanity was the first causality of political war.

War reached Henry’s village in 2015. Violence was constant. Government soldiers attacked, beat and killed the villgers.

Henry remembers a brutal interrogation after a military officer, who happened to be from their village, escaped under mysterious circumstances. About 56 men were taken to military barracks, early in the morning. Soldiers beat them, demanding to know the whereabouts of this officer. They were not allowed to leave the room, even to urinate. They were released late that night.

Life in the village grew steadily worse. Business stopped, elders were arrested and children could not attend school. They lived within the ever present rhythm of gunfire. Death was a daily occurrence. Henry decided to travel to Uganda with this wife and three children.

The family walked to a trading center, where they could get transport across the border.

They traveled by vehicle, eventually reaching a military checkpoint. It was near water and Henry was certain they would be thrown in and left to drown unless able to provide a proper explanation.  The driver bribed the soldiers and continued onwards. Such were the facts of the perilous journey; anyone without funds to bribe the soldiers would be killed.

By the time the family reached Uganda, all of their money had been spent on bribes to ensure their passage. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) placed them first in a temporary settlement. The ground was swampy and the weather cold. After a week there, the family moved again to Pagirinya Refugee Camp.

They are safe, but it is still difficult to settle. For example, many refugees need grass to build thatched huts. The host community opposes this, however, as they often cut the grass and sell it, adding to an already limited income. Natural resources are few. Furthermore, the United Nations provides only food, but no monetary support. As a result, for every ten cups of food the family receives, Henry will often sell two cups, in order to make some small income.

Now, Henry sees few differences between the situation in South Sudan and the situation in northern Uganda. He also had few hopes to return to his homeland. He insinuates that the current peace deal will not hold and mentions the failures of previous peace talks held in Juba in 2015.

Henry claims that if he returns to South Sudan he will not bring his family, as he is afraid violence will return again and again. He will simply go alone in order to find paying work and provide for the children. He is a teacher by profession and hopes very much that his children can study in the future.

***

The Justice and Reconciliation Project remains committed to supporting the voices and needs of vulnerable populations throughout Northern Uganda. JRP has supported three Women’s Advocacy Network groups in Adjumani, providing income generating items and loan capitals.

This article is part of a larger series on the needs of communities in Adjumani. The project was made possible with the support of the Trust Africa Fund, with the goal of elevating forgotten voices and evaluating the success of existing programs.  Interviews with from the project will also aid in the development of a best practices guide for supporting victims of sexual and gender based violence. This guide will be presented at an international exchange in Nigeria. The guide will also be circulated to researchers, practitioners and government officials to ensure effective response.

 Project Interviews were conducted by JRP Communications Intern Sophia Neiman and Research Assistant Benard Okot. Translation was provided by Emmanuel Anyovi.

 

 

 

Making Transitional Justice work for Women in Northern Uganda

 

Participant speaks during a meeting held by Actionaid Uganda and the Greater North Parliamentary forum on 'Making Transitional Justice work for Women in Northern Uganda'. Photo by Alice Baker/JRP
Participant speaks during a meeting held by Actionaid Uganda and the Greater North Parliamentary forum on ‘Making Transitional Justice work for Women in Northern Uganda’. Photo by Alice Baker/JRP

On Friday 23rd March, some of the JRP team joined an informative and lively discussion on “Making Transitional Justice Work for Women” organised by Action Aid Uganda. The meeting brought together civil society organisations, Greater North Parliamentary representatives and cultural leaders from across Uganda to give transitional justice an all important spotlight!

Reflecting on their transitional justice study report gave space for discussions surrounding National Transitional Justice policy, gender mainstreaming and women’s experiences and perspectives on transitional justice in Northern Uganda. It is important that we continue to come together and discuss such important issues! As one of the great speakers said today, “let’s not normalise an abnormal situation.”

For more information on ActionAid Uganda’s work on this subject and the current debate, take a look at the link below:
http://www.actionaid.org/australia/making-transitional-justice-work-women-rights-resilience-and-responses-violence-against

Creating spaces for memory #TransitionalJusticeFellowship

The sign from Freedom Park, South Africa.
The sign from Freedom Park, South Africa.

In the past two weeks I have been participating in the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR)’s Transitional Justice in Africa Fellowship. The programme brings practitioners, scholars and researchers from across Africa to South Africa for three weeks to engage, share and learn from the different transitional justice journeys taking place on the continent. This years’ programme features seven people from Uganda, Burundi, DRC, South Sudan and Zimbabwe.

The first week was memorable because we focused on memory!

The fellowship began with four days in Gauteng with visits to memorial sites such as the Voortrekker monument (built in the late 1930s to remember the first Afrikaaners that traveled inwards from the southern coast of Africa during what is known as ‘The Great Trek’). The Voortrekker monument is a large mausoleum-like stone structure that broods over the city of Pretoria and, interestingly, another memorialisation site known as Freedom Park. More about that later.

On the inside walls of the monument is a 360 degree marble mural sculpture depicting the experiences of the Voorktrekkers as they made their travels. In the center of one wall is the depiction of Voortrekker leader Piet Retief being betrayed and murdered by Zulu leader, Dingane, after signing a peace agreement. The events are theatrically portrayed and speak to the monument’s martyrdom and sacrifice narrative. 90 degrees right to this Dingane’s death at the hands of ‘the Swazis’ is also displayed in cool white marble.

Juxtaposed with the Voortrekker monument and only a short drive away is Freedom Park. Freedom Park was commissioned by the South African government in 2000 and is characterised by two main areas – the first we visited, the Garden of Remembrance, is a sprawling 2.5 hectare composition of indoor and outdoor spaces that we were told are meant to foster contemplative thought and meditation. The second area is a museum dedicated to the history of Africa, called //hapo (‘dream’ in the Khoi language), from 3.6 million years ago. The total space of Freedom Park is 52 hectares!

“This must be a contested space where we can dialogue about where we are going.” –Freedom Park tour guide Bhadresh Kadra
“This must be a contested space where we can dialogue about where we are going.” –Freedom Park tour guide Bhadresh Kadra

In the Garden of Remembrance, indigenous African spiritualities are carefully incorporated to craft elaborate spaces where symbolism meets memorialisation. While inclusivity is a big deal at the Garden of Remembrance – the names of the areas are in different South African languages – the space is not without controversy. The ‘Wall of Names’ (an almost 700 metre wall of inscribed names of people that played a role in South Africa’s various conflicts) has apparently been met with criticism. The complex rules surrounding whose name goes on the wall means that Nelson Mandela’s name has not been approved just yet.

My favorite part of the fellowship so far has been a visit to the Hector Pieterson Memorial in Soweto. An actual museum is surrounded by a beautiful and simple public open area dedicated to remembering the 13 year old and other students killed during the student uprising against apartheid in the late 1970s. A  quote by the mother of the young man that carried Hector Pieterson after he had been shot is inscribed into a stone bench.

“Mbuyisa is or was my son. But he is not a hero. In my culture, picking up Hector is not an act of heroism. It was his job as a brother. If he left him on the ground and somebody saw him jumping over Hector. He would never be able to live here.” – Ma’Makhubu, Mbuyisa’s Mother
“Mbuyisa is or was my son. But he is not a hero. In my culture, picking up Hector is not an act of heroism. It was his job as a brother. If he left him on the ground and somebody saw him jumping over Hector. He would never be able to live here.” – Ma’Makhubu, Mbuyisa’s Mother

What is most powerful about the Hector Pieterson Memorial is that is placed in such a way and in an area that is very accessible to ordinary people. When visiting you are able to see schoolchildren, whose lives have been undoubtedly impacted by the sacrifices the students who are remembered here, walk by in their school uniforms as they make their way home. As I witnessed this it struck me that there is a void of public spaces for reflection and commemoration of Uganda’s conflict history. Spaces that are dedicated to memorialisation are usually made on the initiative of survivors and relatives of mass atrocities. Actual public spaces, such as the Independence Monument in Kampala, are simply closed off to the public. Similarly, in Burcoro political leaders prevent communities from memorialising their experiences while in Barlonyo and Atiak, data about those that were killed during their respective massacres is distorted by public officials.

The result is that discussions about Uganda’s conflict history are often remote and inaccessible to people that did not directly experience it. One wonders how future generations will access information about what happened in the past and thereby prevent it from happening again. A lesson I have learned during this process is that a public area, in say, central Kampala or Gulu, that acknowledges the experiences of Ugandans and provides for open discussion and contemplation, whether contested or not, would be a step forward in Uganda’s transitional journey.

Follow me on twitter for more updates @oryembley!

Links:

WAN Launch 25 May 2012

Introducing the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN) at JRP

WAN Launch 25 May 2012

Download the WAN brochure

We are pleased to introduce the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN), an initiative of the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP), which was officially launched May 25th in Gulu, northern Uganda.

The WAN is a forum where war-affected women come together to advocate for justice, acknowledgment and accountability for gender-based violations inflicted upon them during war in northern Uganda. It was formed in May 2011 by JRP with the aim of empowering women survivors to participate in post-conflict policy debates and to engage grassroots communities in gendered discussions on reintegration and reconciliation.

JRP’s field observations since 2006 have explored the unique challenges facing women in northern Uganda and the need for the inclusion of their voices in ongoing developments in transitional justice. A group of war-affected women, who were engaged in a storytelling project at JRP, proposed the establishment of an advocacy group to serve as a platform through which female leaders would be empowered to engage in advocacy for justice and peace. The WAN was created with the goal of bridging the existing gaps in gender justice.

To learn more about the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN) at JRP, please see the attached brochure or contact the JRP Gender Justice department at +256(0)471433008 or email info@justiceandreconciliation.com.

Download the WAN brochure

New vacancy: Gender Justice Team Leader

The Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) seeks a qualified Gender Justice Team Leader.

To learn more about this position and how to apply, please visit http://justiceandreconciliation.com/about/jobs-internships/.

To apply, please send an email to recruitment@justiceandreconciliation.com. Attach a CV, strong cover letter, academic qualifications, a writing sample (where possible) and a list of at least three referees to be contacted in case of shortlisting. All applications should be addressed to the Programme Coordinator. The closing date for applications is 28th MAY 2012.

New video of the Attiak massacre memorial prayers

As part of our objective to preserve memory of conflict-affected communities through documentation, JRP’s Community Documentation department has produced video coverage of the 17th annual Attiak massacre memorial prayers, which took place on April 20th. The footage has been divided into two parts, with both available below, here and on our YouTube page: JRPUganda.

[yframe url=’http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XoaY28XUxpg’] [yframe url=’http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R4lpjfoN8rA&feature=relmfu’]

The prayers were attended by the President of Uganda, H.E. Yoweri Museveni, and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Hon. Jacob Oulanyah. Immediately following a performance by the Attiak Massacre Survivors Association, President Museveni delivered 400,000 Ugandan shillings in cash to the association. During his speech, he further pledged 50 million Ugandan shillings ($20,000 USD) to the group.

While we welcome this acknowledgment of need for the victims in Attiak, the President’s actions further demonstrate the urgency for a comprehensive, transparent reparations policy and programme for all victims of conflict in Uganda. For more information on our recommendations for reparations, please see our policy brief, “Pay Us so We Can Forget: Reparations for Victims and Affected Communities in Northern Uganda.”

For more information on the 1995 Attiak massacre, please see our field note, Remembering the Atiak Massacre.

Coming Soon: Northern Uganda TJ Monitoring Survey

It is almost four years now that northern Uganda has experienced relative peace following the relocation of the LRA to DRC and CAR. The majority of the population that had hitherto been displaced into IDP camps have now returned to their homesteads and resumed life in the post-conflict phase. Apart from land conflicts which are still rampant, many people seem to have moved on with their lives despite the past violence and a large number of atrocities that were committed during the conflict. There have been few reports of revenge attacks by victims against ”alleged perpetrators.”

So is this an indicator that northern Uganda is quickly putting the past behind and moving forward? Maybe yes, maybe no.

To find out, the JRP Community Documentation department intends to carry out a northern Uganda transitional justice monitoring process.

The objective of the Transitional Justice Monitoring Survey is to track the progress of justice and reconciliation in northern Uganda. The first phase of the project will be focused on Gulu district. The results of this survey will be used in our advocacy efforts and policy recommendations to further the interests of the communities and victims of the conflict.

Using a quantitative survey, we will interview 598 households across all 23 sub-counties and 120 parishes in the district. Questions focus on issues such as missing persons, community dispute resolution, traditional justice, memorialization, reparations, security, and formerly-abducted persons.

In the coming weeks, we will release the findings of the pilot conducted in Gulu district, and in the coming months, results from other districts and sub-regions. Stay tuned!